not be certain that Parliament would not relapse, and undo ll that had been already done"-Grattan's Life, vol. III. p. 155.

So formidable and powerful were the Volunteers that Government had recourse to every means of weakening them. "Divide et impera," was the policy acted on by Lord Northington in relation to the Convention. "Our next step," he wrote to Fox, "was to try, by means of our friends in the assembly, to perplex its proceedings, and to create confusion in its deliberations." And again, “Another desirable step was to involve them, if possible, with the House of Commons."

Thus the English ministers clearly saw how very formidable was the Convention. Fox's anxiety about Grattan's conduct sufficiently attests the amount of moral power which the latter could, at that time, bring to bear. For Grattan might have carried everything before him in the Convention, which was wretchedly in want of leaders. The men of property who belonged to it were not very earnest in their wishes for Reform; and there were several secret enemies to the popular party amongst its ranks. For want of controlling power-in short, for want of a judicious and vigorous leader-the Convention fell to pieces; its members quarrelled; the whole body became distracted; it ran foul of Parliament; those who had promised to guide it, took fright at the velocity of its progress, and abandoning their stations, left the Convention to dash itself to pieces.

From that time the moral power of the Irish Volunteers was at an end. And it is remarkable that with the fall of the Volunteers terminated Henry Grattan's direct influence over Irish affairs. He ceased from that time to sway events, and wield political power.

He had obtained the independence of the Irish Parliament; in doing so he had displayed not only splendid talents, but great moral courage. So alse, when Flood sought to blast his character and tarnish his glory, Grattan showed much resolution, courage, and self-reliance. He was right in all the thorny discussions of "Simple Repeal." But he was wrong on the question of the Convention for Reform. He was morally bound by his position to take some side or other. For Charles Fox justly said, "the real crisis" of the Irish Revolution arrived, when it was proposed to reform the Irish House of Commons. The experiment of Irish legislative freedom was virtually at stake the necessity for reform was admitted-Grattan himself voted for it. The Parliament was notoriously venal; of three hundred members of the House of Commons, fully two-thirds were the nominees of about a hundred persons.

Grattan had right views upon Reform, but he took no steps for making those views prevalent in Irish politics. After the Volunteers were gone, he took up the question of Parliamentary Reform, and he saw all its important relations to the permanence of Irish Parliamentary Independence. But he was too late; the minister had bought up the House of Commons, and Grattan, after the Volunteers were dissolved, was always admired, but never obeyed in Irish politics. He kept his genius, eloquence, and speculation-he lost his political power. Grattan has been harshly censured for his inaction in Volunteer Reform. But though it is right to point out the error, it is very wrong to blame him as culpable. He believed that the aristocracy of Ireland were more patriotic than they really were. He committed the glorious mistake of a noble and lofty nature that of believing the rest of mankind as pure, as unselfish, as enthusiastic as himself. He thought that Irish gentlemen would have the same sense of national honour as he himself possessed, and he was deceived. Ile thought that he could enforce his views on Reform, without employing the questionable authority of a domestic army employed for internal changes in his country. Besides, he considered, not unreasonably, that the Whig party in England would have lasted. He did not foresee (who could?) all the results of the coalition of Fox and Lord North, He did not foresee who could ?) the quarrel between

Fox and Burke-the dissolution of the great Whig party by the fearful progress of the French Revolution. He did not foresee (who could?) the abandonment by William Pitt of all his early Reform principles. He did not foresee (who could?) that the youthful Whig would become the most formidable Tory Statesman that England ever produced.

Grattan wanted no moral foresight in politics. It is only those shallow persons, who judge by the event, who blame him for not having been more democratic. If any one doubt his foresight, let him read the following prophecy (for such it is), delivered in 1790 (February 11). Addressing the Irish Parliament, he said: "The country is placed in a sort of interval between the ceasing of a system of oppression, and the formation of one of corruption. Go on for ten or twelve years as you have done for the last five; increase in the same proportion your number of Parliamentary places; get every five years new taxes, and apply them as you have done, and then the Minister will find that he has impaired the trade and agriculture, as well as destroyed the virtue and freedom of the country". Again, on the same occasion, his words were full of warning:- -"There is no object which a course of corrupt government will not ruin-morality, constitution, commerce, manufactures, agriculture, industry. A corrupt minister issues forth from his cabinet like sin and death, and Senates first wither under his footstep; then he consumes the treasury, and then he corrupts the capital, and the different forms of constitutional life, and the moral system, and at last the whole isle is involved in one capacious curse from shore to shore, from the nadir to the zenith".

The charge to which he is really obnoxious characterised all his life. He was too much of a neutral. But the distracted state of his country is sufficient to account for his occasional inaction. It is certain, however, that throughout all his life, both before and after the Union, he was placed between two cross fires. I cannot help thinking that there were three or four occasions when he might have accepted office with real advantage to the best interests of his country. But in offering any criticism on Grattan's mistakes, let us remember that we are judging after the event. It has been foolishly said that Ireland wanted a soldier-statesman in 1782. But such a man could never have created and inspired the feelings, which the original and poetical mind of Grattan first introduced amongst the English colonists and planters in Ireland. There are flippant critics who blame Grattan for not having done everything for his country. The truth is, that his views were immeasurably above his country and his age. The public could not follow him. For it was his peculiarity in politics to have a zeal for social and national progress, perfectly free from all that was anarchical and disorderly.

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Thus to enumerate the facts of his early life-I. He introduced into Irish politics an element of lofty moral enthusiasm, which sprung from his own mind and character. II. He raised provincial squabbles into national passions; and, distancing the Floods and Dalys, he snatched Irish Legislative Independence from England. III. His power fell from the internal dissensions of the island he could not persuade the Protestants to emancipate the Catholics; he could not prevent the rise of the United Irishmen, nor save the Irish Democracy from the infection of Jacobinical principles; and, on the other hand, he could not retain the Irish Aristocracy in that love of country which they had exhibited in 1782. IV. Without influence or power he was a spectator of the Union. He was compelled to look on, while Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh extinguished the Parliament of Ireland. Thus, as a man of action, his career virtually terminated with the fall of the Volunteers. If in 1784, he had joined the popular party. he might have moderated its tone and rationalized its opinions; v upon the other hand, if he had accepted office when tendered him, he might aave wielded much influence, and gradually raise a patriotic and governmental

party. In either case he would have clothed himself with that power which was denied to him in his isolated position.

I pass on to make some general remarks on his public character. Whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the nature of his powers it is admitted, upon all sides, that Henry Grattan must be classed in the first rank of those famous persons who, partly by extraordinary eloquence, and partly by capacity for affairs, have been the real governors of these islands, from the Revolution of 1688 down to the present time. And not one of all that celebrated band, from Bolingbroke to Canning, was more eminently original both in character and genius. The boldness and grandeur of his imagery; the flight of his imagination, as well as the gorgeous richness of his language, attest the vigour as well as the beauty of his mind. The mere critic may note many blemishes of style throughout his speeches: he may often be justly displeased with incongruous metaphors-with vehemence tending to the bombastic-and with an excessive use of epigram and antithesis. But, admitting that his speeches contain faults, which are interwoven with their beauties, enough of excellence will remain to win the admirers of intellect and genius. "His eloquence”, said a distinguished living poet, "was a combination of cloud, whirlwind, and flame”—a striking description of the partial obscurity, but startling energy and splendour of his style.

Of all the great parliamentary orators, whose speeches have been preserved, those of Grattan are most worthy of perusal by the reflective and the studious. He may have been surpassed in parliamentary eloquence by some, and in political philosophy by others of his contemporaries; but none of them, like Grattan, addressed at the same time two distinct classes of persons-namely, the audience before him, and a certain higher tribunal of the thoughtful few, whom he always kept before his mind's eye. The speeches of Pitt and Sheridan lead in the study as so much rhetoric: Fox's orations are the massive remains of a wonderful debater: the purpose of the hour-the interests of his party-occupy too large a space in all his speeches, which, after all, were "made to be spoken, and not to be read". Burke had two distinct styles-one grave and didactic, as in his American speeches (which are spoken essays), when he wearied his hearers, though he delighted his readers. In the other style he was diffuse, and essentially rhetorical. But Grattan blended two styles into one, and dazzled those who listened to him, while he spoke so as to instruct even posterity. He was never surpassed for the union of philosophical principles and oratorical energy. "No orator of his age is his equal", says a great authority on eloquence (Lord Brougham), “in the easy and copious flow of most profound, sagacious, and liberal principles, enunciated in terse and striking, but most appropriate language". Thus it may be said with truth, that the speeches of Grattan are a valuable contribution to political philosophy, well meriting the best attention of the statesman, the historian, and the philosopher. The thinking power, to be found in all his speeches, combined with his vivid imagery, his singular mastery over rhythm, and the impassioned spirit pervading them, form their distinctive characteristics. The " Esprit des Lois" does not more differ from all other treatises of politics, than the speeches of Grattan from those of other orators. For it is only in manner that they resemble the fragments of Chatham. There is more of philosophy and moral thoughtfulness-more of the inquiring spirit of the eighteenth century, in the eloquence of Grattan. There never was such an union of the orator and sage.

But, enough of his eloquence; and in Ireland we have placed preposterour value upon mere oratory, which, atter all, is valuable only as an instrument There was a MIND in Grattan, a moral power far more valuable than the vauntec art of the public speaker. In addition to a wonderful imagination, nature had given him a strong and clear understanding, which he vigorously exercised op

most of the great questions in morals and politics. Ire read the best and deepest nuthors on political science with interest, and pondered much upon their principles. This habit he carried too far for a man of action; he became somewhat too professional and didactic in his public life; and he occasionally fell short of the wants of the age, by refusing to be an energetic leader, and assuming th part of an impassioned essayist.

The idle caviller may say that much of what he obtained for his country, has reverted to the English empire. It may be said that after all he did not save his country (as if any one man could put to rights such a country as Ireland!). It may be asked, what did he actually Do for Ireland, that we should revere his character and venerate his name?

He was the first Irishman who ministered intellectually to the national character of his country. There were plenty of Irishmen like the Desmond, the O'Neills, and Sarsfield, who vindicated the valour and hardihood of the Irish race. So also there w re many Irish patriots before Grattan. But Swift, though he had both Irish humour and Irish purposes, was essentially an English author. So also Flood was an Englishman in his style ard character. But Henry Grattan invented an eloquence to which the moral temperament of his country responded. His speeches are as much in conformity with its genius and its mental characteristics, as tne pensive and wildly beautiful, yet alternately gay and exciting, music of the island. You may trace in his eloquence the vivid lature, the eager mind, the cordial sympathy, and aspiring soul of the Irishman. In short, Grattan was the first powerful assertor, as le is certainly the most splendid illustrator, of Irish genius.

He was the first Irishman who treated of Irish politics on a grand scale, with breadth of view and liberal judgment. In an age of Protestant prejudice, he bravely unfurled the standard of religious liberty. When he pleaded for the Catholic there was no popularity to be gained by such a course. On the contrary, he injured his influence by his adoption of the Catholic cause. He not merely was content, like certain statesmen, to have his views in favour of the Catholics made known: he laboured also by his pen, his tongue, by personal exertion, and by political sacrifices of power and popularity, to have those views prevail over the public mind.

There may have been those who loved the Protestant nation of Ireland, and who served it more zealously than Grattan. So also there may have been Patriots who loved the Catholics and "lower nation" of Ireland more enthusiastically: but never surely did any Irishman, before or since, love both nation. with so much affection. Never did any Irishman toil with such ardour for the best and most enduring interests of both; for, though he boldly defended the mterests of property against revolution, and anarchy, he vindicated also the liberties of the Catholic against the sordid pride and selfishness of an ungenerous oligarchy. His patriotism made no unhappy distinctions between religious creeds or hereditary races. He wished for the happiness of all Irishmen. He was free from the Protestant prejudices of Flood, and opposed to the sanguinary principles of Tone.

In the annals of a land so torn with discord, it is perfectly delightful to meet (as we do in Grattan's speeches) with the unmistakeable evidence of there having been once a man in Ireland who could take large views of his countrymen. and who, while cordially preserving his enthusiasm for his native soil, would not allow himself to be the mere creature of either party. He showed that though he was intensely Irish, he was not merely insular.

Ile was not only a national patriot-he was also a herald of civilization. While he retained the charm of local colour in his character, he was also much of the enlightened cosmopolite. He cherished large and inspiring views of life his mind, in its philosophical excursions, was not manacied by a wretched

faith in formula: he believed in a moral progress of the human race, and possessed a strong sympathy with mankind. Thus he deserved not only the affections of Ireland, but the regard of civilized Europe. It was well observed

by Sir James Mackintosh in the House of Commons: "When the illustrious dead are gathered in one tomb, all national distinctions fade away; and not even the illustrious names of Burke and Wellington were more certainly historical," or more sure to be remembered by posterity, than that of Grattan".

More than any Irish patriot of his age, Grattan was cautious as to the means he employed. It was not enough to have glorious ends-he strenuously insisted, throughout his life, on the necessity of worthy means. His moral character stands out in prominent relief amidst the venality and selfishness of his contemporaries. "I never knew a man", said Wilberforce (talking of Grattan)," whose patriotism and love for his country seemed completely to extinguish all private interests, and to induce him to look invariably and exclusively to the public good".

It is curious to note what vicissitudes were in his popularity.

He was idolized by the people at the era of Free Trade and Independence ;he was cashiered by them within a few months on the question of Simplo Repeal. He was denounced by the authorities as an enemy to his country in 1798-in two years afterwards, on the Union question, he was exalted as the most strenuous champion of Irish liberty. When he voted for the Insurrection Act, and advocated strong measures against anarchists and prædial disturbers, he was traduced as the deserter of the civil liberties of his countrymen. Upon the question of the Veto, he was dismissed as the betrayer of the civil liberties of the Catholics; but in 1818 he was elected for the city of Dublin by the general consent of the people, when, strange to say, he was nearly stoned to death in his native city!

On this last occasion, a scene took place in which he revealed all his personal character. It is well worthy of notice.

After the election had terminated, the members, according to usage, were chaired. Because he had been favourable to the Insurrection Act, and because, in some comparatively unimportant particulars, his conduct had not satisfied the ultra-popular party, it was determined to assail Grattan, and fling him into the Liffey. A plot, which happily was defeated, was formed against the venerable patriot. After passing Carlisle Bridge, a base and execrable gang assailed him with ferocity. His friends around him were greatly alarmed; but, though Grattan was stricken in years and shattered in his constitution, he displayed his characteristic personal courage. One of the wretches was but too successful, and succeeded in giving him a fearful blow, which cut open the old man's face. Ho jumped up from the chair, caught the missile which had fallen at his feet, and fiercely looking defiance, hurled it back, with his failing strength, in the direction of the dastards whence it came. "Never-never (it has been said by one who saw the scene) did he appear to such advantage".

He

Yes! he did he appeared to much greater advantage afterwards. For though it was a fine and exciting thing to see the old man displaying the high spirit of his youth, it was far finer to witness his calm and serene deportment afterwards. Efforts were made to exasperate him against the popular party. All the public bodies of Dublin crowded round him, and tendered him their respects. saw the use to which the incident would be turned by the evil-minded, and, true to the leading principles of his life, never to criminate his country, whatever he might suffer from its momentary injustice, he thus replied to the public address of Dublin, in the following most beautiful and touching words :"MY FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,-A few individuals—a sudden anʼ explicable impulse- a momentary infatuation-anything-everything4ight account for that violence of which you complain. It is not worth you