check, from which it was long before it recovered, and we believe that to this day the recollection of these outrages is a check on the outlay of capital in this locality.

Mr. Peel of Bury did not suffer any share of the injuries which befel his father, but they probably influenced him to purchase estates in Staffordshire and Warwickshire, as well as in Lancashire. The borough of Tamworth, where he established one of the branches of his business, had been in a state of gradual decline until he introduced the cotton manufactures; and the gratitude of the inhabitants for the employment he afforded gave him a political influence in the borough paramount to that of the Townshends, who had previously controlled the parliamentary representation.

It was not until he had secured a princely fortune that Mr. Peel began to turn his attention to political affairs. In 1780 he published a pamphlet, entitled "The National Debt productive of National Prosperity," which has long since sunk into the oblivion which usually awaits speculations on such subjects; but it is supposed to have had some share in bringing him acquainted with Mr. Pitt, who soon regarded Mr. Peel as his safest adviser on manufacturing and commercial subjects. On the 5th of July, 1788, his eldest son, the present Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, and the late Prime Minister of Great Britain, was born in a cottage near Chamber Hall, the usual residence of the family, which was at the time undergoing some repairs. The cottage is at present in a very dilapidated state, which is to be regretted, as it must always be an object of curiosity to those who visit Bury.

C

CHAPTER II.

PUBLIC LIFE OF THE FIRST SIR ROBERT PEEL.

MR. PEEL had achieved a princely fortune before he engaged in public life. He entered parliament as member for Tamworth in 1790, at a time when the menacing progress of the French Revolution excited general alarm among men of rank and property, who believed that their titles and estates would be endangered by the levelling doctrines which were spread abroad. Republican doctrines were, however, not very popular in England; when doctrines of a doubtful tendency were promulgated by some ardent enthusiasts, they were promptly met by spontaneous bursts of loyalty, which were not always restrained within the bounds of moderation. It is a little curious to find that no places were more outrageous in their loyalty than Birmingham and Manchester. The great influence of so large a manufacturer as Mr. Peel in the capital of the cotton-trade was exerted to procure support for the government; but he appears to have been a little too much of an alarmist, or rather too ready to attribute dangerous designs to his opponents. On the 11th of December, 1792, he attended a meeting at Manchester to establish an association for the maintenance of constitutional order, and in the course of the proceedings is represented to have said—“ That it was time for the people to rouse from their lethargy, for there were incendiaries in the country." These incautious words stimulated the populace-a "church and king" mob assembled; the office of a liberal newspaper, the Herald, was attacked, and some injury was done to the dwellings of

Mr. Walker, and others, who, as earnest advocates of reform, were obnoxious to the zealous royalists.

Mr., afterwards Earl Grey, introduced the subject in the House of Commons, and having censured the violence used, called on Mr. Peel to name the incendiaries he had stigmatized. Mr. Peel denied the authority of the newspaper report. He disclaimed having said anything more than "God save the King." He vindicated the Manchester Association; it consisted of men of independent principles; every man in it spoke his sentiments, and none but sentiments of loyalty were uttered. With respect to the riots, he stated that when he left the town all was quiet, and he regretted that the people afterwards broke into disorder. The objects of the Association were to protect the laws, and to discourage any attempts to break in upon the peace of society. There were in Manchester some few disaffected persons; but in general they were contented, happy, and attached to the government and constitution. As to party among them, there was once a division; one party was called Pittites, and the other Foxites; but that had ceased; they had all coalesced, and called themselves Kingites.

This was a very correct account of the state of public feeling in Manchester at the period; most of the mastermanufacturers were firm supporters of the government, and so zealous were the populace in their attachment to the church, that the children of dissenters were frequently hooted at and insulted in the street. But this flaming loyalty was not destined to endure; it was burned out by its own intensity.

Though Mr. Peel gave a general support to Mr. Pitt, he opposed him on the question of the Slave Trade, on the strange ground that the natives of Africa were not sufficiently matured by civilization to enjoy freedom; and that liberty given to those incapable of appreciating it was like placing