sions. In the event of a parliamentary reform, it would be my wish to see a little nest of boroughs reserved for their separate use. I should not be alarmed at their introduction, even though they had been qualified in Palace-yard. Here, I should say, let the demagogue appear, and let him do his worst."

His peroration was in the highest style of parliamentary eloquence: "The moment," he said, "is peculiarly favourable for discussion, and singularly free from any hazard with which the measure might otherwise be attended. We are now in the enjoyment of a peace achieved by the common efforts of both religions, by Catholic as well as Protestant arms, and cemented by Catholic as well as Protestant blood; a peace, which, notwithstanding the threatening aspect of affairs in some parts of Europe, I hope, and believe, is destined to be permanent. But it becomes us, with a view to political contingencies, to fortify ourselves, by adopting all those means of strength which are offered to our hands; and never did a more auspicious period occur for such a purpose. How beneficial, to extinguish a question that never can be discussed without agitating large classes of the community! How desirable, to avoid the inconvenience which must follow the loss of the question, at this time-its revival from year to year, with increasing and more hopeless agitation! How delightful, to convert the murmur of national discontent into the voice of national gratitude! The expression of national gratitude is not always conveyed by the proud arch, or the triumphal column; but let this grand effort of legislation be consummated, and I have not the shadow of a doubt, but that the sentiment will be effectually inspired, and unequivocally displayed. It is indifferent to me, provided the result be concord, on which side the work of conciliation begins: I care not whether the boon is plucked from Protestant acknowledgment, by the patience, the long-suffering, and the

U

supplications of the Catholic, or is tendered, in generous confidence, as a voluntary boon. It would, in either case, like the gentle dew from heaven, bless both the giver and the receiver; resembling those silent operations of nature, which pervade and vivify the universe, receiving and repaying mutual benefits, whether they rise in the grateful exhalation, or descend in the fertilizing shower. To conclude, I conjure the House to adopt a measure, from which I entertain a conviction, approaching to prescience, that, far from having cause to repent of its result, we shall long reap a rich harvest of national strength, and happiness, and renown."

At three in the morning of the 17th of March, the House divided, and the second reading was carried by a majority of eleven. The achievement of such a triumph on "Patrick's day, in the morning," rendered the victory doubly acceptable in Ireland. A sharp debate took place on the 23rd of March, when the progress of the bill was vehemently opposed by Sir W. Scott (afterwards Lord Stowell), and Mr. (afterwards Sir) Charles Wetherell. Mr. Peel, on this occasion, confined himself to protesting against the proposed modification of the oath of supremacy, which, he contended, would involve a tacit recognition of the Pope's spiritual authority. His views were regarded as over-refined, if not captious; and the clause to which he objected, was carried by a majority of fourteen. On the 26th, the admission of Catholics to parliament, was opposed by Mr. Bankes and the Speaker of the House of Commons, but was supported by Mr. Canning, in a speech hardly inferior to that which he delivered on the second reading; and he again triumphed, by a majority of twelve. Mr. Peel took no part in this debate; but on the 27th, he moved, that Catholics should be excluded from the privy council, and from all judicial situations; exceptions, which he justified by the following argument: "Nothing," he said, "could be a harsher inconsistency, than to declare men eligible

to fill certain offices, and yet, in the same breath, to punish them, if they venture to exercise, or advise the exercise of, the patronage properly attached to those offices; so that, though they might become the responsible ministers of the crown, and constitutionally bound to advise the crown for the best interests of the country; yet, the moment they ventured to perform their duties, and tender their advice, they became liable to the penalty of a misdemeanour. Rather than expose Catholics to such unjustifiable mortification, I must object to their being placed in those offices, where they would have to combat such manifest inconsistencies. How was it possible, that a Roman Catholic could take the privy councillor's oath, and do his duty accordingly, exposed to these humiliatory qualifications? How could he swear 'faithfully and truly to declare his mind and opinion to the crown, according to his heart and conscience,' when, by giving his advice, he might commit a misdemeanour? I will suppose the case of a Catholic Secretary of State for the Home Department, and that a question is discussed before him, touching the education of the children of a king; is it likely, that, according to his 'heart and conscience,' he, if a rigid Catholic, would recommend a Protestant education for the royal children? A privy councillor was, according to the words of Lord Coke, ‘a chosen sentinel' of the constitution: is it probable he would continue to be that, if a Catholic, and restricted by these inconsistent qualifications? Pursuing, therefore, the principle, the policy, and the necessity, which regulated the act for the succession. to the throne, I must conclude, that Catholics can never be deemed eligible to fill that office." It is obvious, that this same reasoning would apply equally to Presbyterians; but members of the Scottish Church had been long and frequently advisers of the crown, without the slightest objection. being made to them, on the part of the Anglican establishment. Mr. Peel's amendment was rejected, by a majority of

nineteen; and on the same evening, there was a majority of forty-three against Mr. Goulburn's proposal to exclude Roman Catholics from being governors of colonies.

It was not until the debate on the third reading, that Mr. O'Connell's name was brought into the discussion; still adhering to Dr. Milner, he vehemently denounced the clauses of security; but when he attempted to get up an aggregate meeting in Dublin, he could not procure nine persons to sign the requisition. The principal notice of Mr. O'Connell's opposition was taken by Mr. Thomas Ellis, who united in himself the somewhat inconsistent functions of a master in the Irish Court of Chancery, and representative of the city of Dublin. He was a man of very moderate talents-of very limited information; he had risen in life, principally by his vehemence in advocating the cause of Protestant ascendancy, which procured him the patronage of Lord Chancellor Manners, and Mr. Attorney-General Saurin; his intolerance was carried to an excess that exposed him to ridicule; he was more than once the butt at which Canning and Plunkett aimed their shafts of wit; but they might as well have attempted, with a damask needle, to pierce the hide of a rhinoceros, as to hope, by lively satire, to wound the feelings of one fenced by the triple guard of ignorance, bigotry, and self-conceit. On the third reading of the bill, Mr. Ellis said, "I conceive it clear, that the Catholics are hostile to the bill, from the opposition which it has met with from an eminent Catholic barrister, who is always considered as speaking their sentiments. Why is that gentleman the acknowledged leader and organ of the Catholic body? It cannot be on account of his family, which, though respectable, is of yesterday, compared with some of the aristocracy of Ireland: neither is it for his talents; for his eloquence is but of mushroom celebrity, and is far outshone by the talents opposed to him. What, then is it, that gives him the confidence of the Catholic body? It

is, that he really and truly expresses their feelings and sentiments."

To this, Mr. Robinson very properly replied: "I am no more disposed to take the feelings of the Protestants of Ireland from the honourable and learned gentleman, than I am to take the feelings of the Catholics from that nameless barrister, that mushroom orator, as the honourable and learned gentleman has called him; who, eloquent as he may be-active, as we all know he is does not, I am persuaded, in the ravings of his eloquence, speak the true and honest feelings of the Irish Catholics. It is on this account, that—although I know Mr. O'Connell is dissatisfied-although I know Mr. O'Connell always has been dissatisfied-and although I believe that he always will be dissatisfied-I have no doubt, that, if the present measuse is passed, it will be highly satisfactory to the great body of the Catholics of Ireland."

The truth was, that the Catholic aristocracy and gentry, together with a great number of the prelates and priests, who had been educated on the Continent, courted, rather than shunned, some ecclesiastical connection with the government. But the only reasonable ground on which a government can pretend to interfere with a hierarchy, is the concession of temporalities: the veto, or any similar security, might reasonably have been connected with any plan for the payment of the Catholic clergy by the state; but it had no logical connection with the enfranchisement of the laity. But the Irish Catholic Church is paid exclusively by the people; and it is, therefore, in the people, and not in the minister, if there be any question in the matter, that the control over clerical appointments should be placed. O'Connell appealed to the people; he roused their prejudices-he kindled their passions -he flattered their vanity, until he rendered them so intolerant and despotic, that all moderate men were disgusted with the Catholic cause. The Catholic peers, and the Catholic