Egyptian fleet arrived at the Morea, and was permitted by Admiral Codrington to enter the harbour of Navarino, and there it was strictly blockaded so soon as the directions of the ambassadors were received. The fearful ravages and butcheries of the Turks were continued on land until the allied admirals resolved to enter Navarino, and by overawing the Turkish fleet to compel Ibrahim Pacha to consent to an armistice. The Turks, not very well comprehending the nature of this arrangement, fired on the allies, and a battle commenced, which continued with unabated fury for four hours. At the end of that time, the Turkish and Egyptian fleets had disappeared; the bay of Navarino was covered with their wrecks; only a few of the smaller vessels and some battered hulks escaped into the security of the inner harbour.

The Tory part of Lord Goderich's cabinet had never cordially approved the treaty of the 6th of July, because they looked upon the Greeks as rebels against their lawful sovereign; their dislike of interference was much aggravated by the account of the battle of Navarino, which they strenuously condemned, whilst the Whigs hailed the result as a triumph. of civilisation. Under those circumstances Lord Goderich sought means of strengthening his cabinet, and prepared, if possible, to increase the strength of the Whig section. The Tory ministers discovered the tendencies of the premier, and prepared to thwart him so soon as an opportunity would offer. They had not long to wait. Mr. Huskisson, in compliance with a pledge which Mr. Canning had given in the House of Commons a little before his death, prepared to nominate a finance committee, and proposed as its chairman, Lord Althorp. Mr. Herries, who suspected that acquiescence in this appointment of a Whig nobleman, though to an office of little importance, would open the way for the admission of Lord Holland to the cabinet, refused to consent, and finally

sent in his resignation. Lord Goderich felt that he must now take a decided course; he must either have approximated closer to the Whigs, or fallen back on the Tories. He had neither the courage nor the abilities for either course, and on the 8th of January, 1828, he broke up his ministry.

The king immediately requested the Duke of Wellington to form a ministry; a task which he accomplished with little difficulty, and we shall give the list of the members of his ministry before offering a few comments on its formation and composition :

It is evident at a glance that the ministry was almost entirely restored to what it had been under the administration of Lord Liverpool. Some little surprise was felt at the Duke of Wellington taking upon himself the office of premier after having so recently declared that "he would be mad to think of such a thing;" but it was generally believed that he did so in compliance with the personal request of the king, who, wearied out by the tiresome feebleness of Lord Goderich, was anxious above all things to have a strong ministry.

declared to be necessary principles, to rescind their deliberate resolutions, and to throw away as waste paper, that bill which they have so much, so carefully considered, merely because in a certain assembly, which for many reasons is entitled to our respect, they did not happen to be entertained with that courtesy which might have been expected, but were made the subject of an amendment, which not merely went to rescind what we had enacted, but to introduce principles that, besides being new, were positively contrary to what we had determined to be necessary,-let the House themselves feel this as they may, if there be a single spark of pride or of shame in it, they will not submit to it."

Mr. Peel, in seconding Canning's motion, undertook the very delicate task of vouching for the Duke of Wellington's motives. "If," said he, "any gentleman should think that the amendment proposed by my noble friend, the Duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, was connected with any purpose of a political nature, or still less with any purposes of party or faction, I declare upon my honour, that I believe such an impression to be totally erroneous. I believe that my noble friend having supported government in the early stages of the bill, and having voted for its second reading when its principles were discussed, proposed his amendment with a sincere desire to promote that which he understood to be the real object of the bill, and to remedy a defect which he thought he perceived in it. I believe that he made his proposition on a misconstruction of what had passed between Mr. Huskisson and himself; and that when he made his suggestion, he really thought that suggestion was not dissented from by that right honourable gentleman. I say, I believe this, because if the noble Duke intended to have made that amendment the means of an opposition to the government, I do think that I should have heard of it previously, and that