Our imaginary Jew's account is, we think, truer to the genius of the Levitical institutions and to the ritual of the Day of Atonement itself than Dr. Bushnell's; nor would the Jew be at all perplexed by the suggestion that the goat by which the 'people are to be personally cleansed themselves, suffers no 'death or dying pain at all, as their substitute, but having their 'sins all put upon his head by the priest's confession, is turned loose alive, and driven off into the wilderness; so to signify the deportation or clean removal of their guiltiness.'* It is expressly said that the two goats constituted the sin-offering; they cannot be severed. The one is sent off into the wilderness as a visible sign that the sins confessed over him are utterly removed, because the other has first been put to death.

The idea of a real expiation cannot be separated from the sinofferings for individual and ceremonial offences; the idea of a symbolic expiation cannot be separated from the sacrifices annually offered for the sins of the whole people. The institutions of Judaism, as well as the explicit teaching of Christ and the Apostles, protest against the theory of an Atonement from which the expiatory idea is excluded.

We regard with serious apprehension the silent but rapid advance of the theological tendencies which we have combated in these pages. It will not be supposed that we are inclined to under-estimate the infinite importance of the confession that our Lord Jesus Christ is the brightness of the Father's glory and the express image of His person,' the Eternal Word who was with God' and 'was God.' The whole structure of Christian theology rests on this stupendous fact; and the most urgent practical questions affecting man's religious life and destiny are answered when it is determined that he who hath seen Christ hath seen the Father. Nor is it wonderful if, in the present chaotic condition of European thought, many who themselves believe in the old doctrine of Expiation, sometimes speak as though everything important in the Christian Faith is secure while the Divinity of our Lord is firmly maintained. At a moment when among the foremost nations of Christendom the foundations of all religious faith are shaken by the portentous triumphs of a philosophy which treats as obsolete and insoluble all the questions which have agitated past ages in relation to the higher life of our race, and the mysteries of the invisible and spiritual world; a philosophy which paralyses the noblest energies of human nature and robs it of all its glory; which ignores rather than denies-and to deny is less insolent than to ignore Page 395.

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The Incarnation and the Atonement.

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-the existence of a Personal Deity, and proclaims that whether there be a 'High and Lofty One inhabiting Eternity' or not, is practically unimportant to mankind,-it is natural that the fact of the Incarnation-the supreme witness to the moral freedom of God and to the immortal dignity of man-should be asserted with a passionate and exclusive devotion. We thought that the Materialistic Philosophy of the last century had rotted back to corruption, but out of its tomb,' to avail ourselves of the magnificent imagery of Edmund Burke, has arisen a vast, tremendous, unformed spectre,' overpowering the imagination, and subduing the fortitude of the most devout and courageous souls. They find that in the presence of the Incarnate God, the evil power of this terrific vision is baffled and broken: and, grateful for a Divine security and peace, they care to know nothing more than that in Jesus Christ our Lord, God was manifest in the flesh.

It must also be remembered that both in Europe and America, the whole system of Christian doctrine is passing into new forms and undergoing complete reconstruction; and it may be, that as the Incarnation was the first truth which was elaborated and defined by the scientific thought of the early Church, the Person of Christ, which many theologians regard as the solitary problem of modern theology, must, for a time, again absorb the chief thought and strength of Christendom. But the theory of the Christian Faith will be ignominiously impoverished, and the power of the Gospel over the moral and religious life of mankind injuriously diminished, if the expiatory value of the death of Christ is finally rejected. The doctrine of the Atonement cannot be eliminated from the Christian system without imperilling the authority of its inspired teachers; contradicting some of the strongest and deepest instincts of man's moral nature, and undermining the noblest theory of God's moral government; repudiating communion with the religious life and faith of the nineteen Christian centuries, and impeaching the wisdom and worth of the characteristic institutions of that earlier revelation, which for fifteen centuries before the coming of Christ, testified to the Unity of God, and sustained the hope of human redemption. The issues of this controversy are infinitely momentous, Ab actu ad posse valet illatio. For a time, those who refuse to acknowledge that Christ has redeemed us with His 'precious blood,' may still confess that He is 'the King of glory,' and 'the everlasting Son of the Father,' may cling to Him with enthusiastic love, may adore His bright perfections, and, from the depths of their spiritual nature, may confess that in Christ are treasured up the immortal hopes of our race. While

this Faith lasts, their hearts will be true to Him, and in Him they will find 'eternal life.' But with the new generation this theology must either return to the ancient creed of the Church, or drift away into mortal heresy. For eighteen hundred years, the Divinity of our Lord's person and the Expiation effected by His death for human sin, have stood and fallen together; the rejection of either has been always followed by the rejection of both. The doctrine of expiation, profoundly true in itself and of transcendent value to the religious development of the soul, is the surest defence of the only Christian truth which can claim to be of still higher worth to the spiritual life of our race-the personal manifestation of God in Jesus Christ our Lord.

ART. V.-Report of the Jamaica Royal Commission. 1866.

TOWARDS the end of last October the people of England were startled by the arrival of a telegram announcing that the island of Jamaica was in a state of insurrection, and that troops and ships of war had been hurriedly summoned from our North American and other adjacent colonies. In the interval, before the detailed news arrived, the greatest anxiety was felt in this country to know how or why the insurrection had arisen. Ere long the detailed account of the outbreak arrived, in the form of a lengthy despatch from Governor Eyre, accompanied by several numbers of the Colonial Standard, to which he referred Mr. Cardwell for additional information. It appears that, on Saturday, October 7th, a Court of Petty Sessions had been held at Morant Bay, and whilst a black man was being brought up for trial before the Justices, a large number of the peasantry, armed with bludgeons, entered the town, openly expressing their determination to rescue the man about to be tried, should he be convicted. One of their party having created a disturbance in the court-house was taken into custody; whereupon the mob rushed in, rescued the prisoner, and maltreated the policeman in attendance. But so little,' says Mr. Eyre, did the magistrates think of the occurrence that no 'steps were taken to communicate with the Executive.' Two days afterwards the magistrates issued a warrant for the apprehension of twenty-eight of the persons principally concerned in

the assault and riot. Upon the arrival of the police at the settlement where the parties lived, at Stony Gut, three or four miles from Morant Bay, a shell was blown, and the negroes collected in large numbers with arms in their hands. They caught and handcuffed three of the policemen, and administered to them an oath binding them to take the side of the blacks against the magistrates. And here be it observed that the quarrel between the blacks and the whites appears to have originated in the attempt made to expel the negroes from an abandoned plantation called Middleton, on which the negroes had been settled for years, but of which Mr. Anderson was seeking to deprive them. On receiving intelligence of what had taken place, Governor Eyre requested the General in command of Her Majesty's troops, to get ready a hundred men for embarkation, and the senior naval officer was requested to send a man-of-war to receive the troops and take them to their destination. Having done this, Mr. Eyre returned to his house in the mountains in order to be present at a dinner-party. This, which is mentioned by himself in his despatch, is a sufficient indication that at that time the Governor did not suppose that there was any risk of an alarming rising in the island.

The next day, however, (Thursday, December 12) he received a private letter containing a report that the blacks had risen and murdered Baron Ketelholdt and others, and stating that it was rumoured that the rebels were advancing along the line of the Blue Mountain valley. This report proved to be but too well founded. It appears that on Wednesday, October 11, when the Vestry had met at Morant Bay, about four o'clock drums were heard, and a large body of rioters, reckoned by Mr. Cook at from 400 to 500, appeared, armed,' says Mr. Cook in his narrative, 'with sticks, cutlasses, spears, guns, and other deadly 'weapons.' It appears, however, that the guns were some old muskets taken by the rioters from the police station, near the court-house, and which had neither flints nor cartridges. The magistrates, warned some hours before of the approach of the rioters, had drawn up a volunteer corps, twenty-two in number, in front of the court-house. On the approach of the rioters within a few yards, the Riot Act having been already read, the captain of the volunteers, alarmed by the violence and demeanour displayed by the rioters, and by a volley of stones which had been thrown by them, gave the order to fire. Some twenty of the negroes fell, but the remainder appear to have been infuriated by the loss of their comrades, and attacked the volunteers, who, overpowered, took refuge inside the court

house, where the Custos, magistrates, and other gentlemen were already assembled. Upon this the negroes surrounded the house, smashed the windows, firing into the court-house with the rifles taken from some of the volunteers, while others of that body returned their fire with good effect, until, most unhappily, the court-house itself took fire.

"The Custos then put out a flag of truce. The rioters asked what it meant, and were answered "peace." They said they did not want peace, they wanted war. A second flag of truce was put out with no better effect, the rebels crying, "War, war." On the roof of the courthouse falling in, through the fire that had been set to the premises, the Custos and other gentlemen burst open the doors and ran down the steps, the rebels attacking them in every direction. The Custos was armed with a sword which he took up. Each endeavoured to save himself. The mob cried, "Now we have the Baron; kill him!" and loud shouts announced that the deed had been done.'

Dr. Gerard was called to come out, the mob protesting that they would save him, which, in fact, they did; and a few others were also spared, but nearly all the whites who were in the court-house were murdered or severely wounded. It is, however, worth noting, that thirty-five of the party in the courthouse escaped with their lives. But what, perhaps, excited the greatest emotion was the rumour, that in the words of Governor Eyre's despatch,

'The most frightful atrocities were perpetrated. The island curate of Bath, the Rev. F. Herschel, is said to have had his tongue cut out whilst still alive, and an attempt is said to have been made to skin him. One person, Mr. Charles Price, a black gentleman, formerly Member of Assembly, was ripped open and his entrails taken out. One gentleman, Lieut. Hall, of the volunteers, is said to have been pushed into an outbuilding, which was then set on fire, and kept there till he was literally roasted alive. Many are said to have had their eyes scooped out; heads were cleft open and the brains taken out. The Baron's fingers were cut off and carried away as trophies by the murderers. Some bodies were half burnt, others horribly battered. Indeed, the whole outrage could only be paralleled by the atrocities of the Indian mutiny. Women, as usual on such occasions, were even more barbarous and brutal than the men.'

Such was the statement made by Governor Eyre in his despatch written nine days after the terrible affair, and we cannot but regard it as deeply discreditable to the Governor that he should have thus given his official sanction to these rumours, instead of taking the trouble to make some inquiry whether they were founded on fact. It would have been only necessary for him to send for the medical gentleman who