66 66 "tined to act against America before this "Bill of Mr. Monroe's." Mr. Walter is "DARING BILL of Mr. Monroe's was no grammarian, my Lord; nor is it neces"thought of, let that force instantly be sary that he should, to qualify him for ad"doubled; let us cast aside all European dressing such people as the well-attired "politics that cross this great and para-rabble of England, who are his readers. But "mount object of our exertions. Let a this is not the thing that I have in view: "General of commanding name be at once I want your Lordship to mark the word "dispatched to the seat of war. We" DARING," as applied to this Bill; as "have often said, and we repeat it, that if it were a thing which the Republic ought "America is a scene on which the Duke not to think of without our permission ; as "of Wellington's talents might be dis- if it were like the act of a servant taking played far more beneficially to his coun- up a sword and challenging his master; try, than they can possibly be in the as if it were a trait of insolence unbearable courtly circles of the Thuilleries: but if in a nation at war with Big John Bull to "his Grace must necessarily be confined take effectual means to resist his attacks “to the dull round of diplomatic business, on their shores; as if it were audacious in "at least let some officer be sent, whom them to provide the means of preventing "the general voice of the army may de- their cities, and towns, and villages, from signate as most like in skill and enter- being plundered or burnt. This Mr. prise to our great National Hero. Fatal Walter, only a few days ago, called Mr. experience has shewn us, that no effort Jefferson" liar and slave." He has a "of such an enemy is to be overlooked. hundred times called Mr. Madison a mis"When the flag of the Guerriere was creant, a traitor, a liar, a villain ; and has, "struck, we saw in it that disastrous omen as often, insisted, that no peace ought ever "which has since been but too sadly veri- to be made with him. He has frequently "fied on the Ocean and on the Lakes. insisted, that Mr. Madison and his faction "The triumphs of the American navy (the majority of Congress) must be hurled "have inspired even their privateers with from their seats. He has called Mr. "remarkable audacity. The present Jefferson the old serpent. In short, it is papers mention the cruises of the Pea- next to impossible to think of any vile "cock, the Chasseur, and the Mammoth, term or epithet, which this author has not "all of which were very successful, and all applied to the American President and the "ventured on the coasts of England and majority of that Congress, which is the "Ireland. The two latter, being Ameri- real representation of the American people. "can built, outsailed every thing that And yet he has the cool impudence to gave them chase. This is a circum- speak of this Bill, this measure of defence, stance requiring strict attention on the as if it were something insolent towards us. part of our Admiralty. Surely there "must be some discoverable and imitable "cause of a celerity in sailing, which is so "important a point of naval tactics. Mr. "Fulton, of Catamaran memory, appears "to have employed himself on a naval ma-ed for a dealing with the Americans. We "chine of singular powers. It is described as a Steam Frigate, and is intended to 66 carry red hot shot of one hundred pounds weight. When we remember how contrary to expectation was the tremen"dous effect of the batteries of the Dar"danelles, we cannot entirely dismiss from our minds all apprehension of the effect "of this new machine of Mr. Fulton's." Before I proceed to inquire into the Now, then, as to Mr. Monroe's mea◄ justice of these charges against Mr. sure. Mr. Walter describes it as a ConMonroe's Bill, I cannot refrain from no-scription; says, that it will subject the ticing, in a particular manner, one phrase people to barbarous_humiliation; says, of this article. Mr. Walter (for, hire that it makes the President a military whom he will to write for him, he is the despot of the most sanguinary character; author) calls the Bill "this DARING | asks, who is to chain the conscripts and 66 66 66 66 The truth is, my Lord, we have so long had to deal with East Indians and Portuguese, and Spaniards and Italians, and Germans and Dutchmen and Russians, and Imperialist Frenchmen, that we are quite spoil have, at last, arrived at such a pitch, that we regard it as insolence in any people even to talk of resisting us. Mr. Walter is, in this respect, but the mouth-piece of his readers. We must correct ourselves as to this way of thinking and talking, if the war with America continue; or we shall be exposed to the derision of the whole world. drag them to the head-quarters of the military division; calls the raising of this force putting a collar on the necks of the American citizens. 66 These are the charges which Mr. Walter prefers against this grand measure of the Republic, and he observes, that" when an American gentleman of splendid at "tainments, some years ago, composed his "celebrated review of the Conscription "Code of that monster Bonaparte, he "could not possibly foresce, that his own country would so soon be subjected to "the same barbarous humiliation." This gentleman of splendid attainments" was a Mr. Walsh, of Philadelphia, who, having been in France, came over to England, where, under the patronage of the friends of bribery and corruption, he wrote and published a pamphlet, calculated to aid their views. This pamphlet clearly shewed, that the author was one of those Americans, who, by the vain splendour that they here behold, and by the hope of sharing in it, have been induced to apostatise from the principles of their own Republican Government. This young man, whose work was really a very poor performance, abounding with inconsistencies, and, indeed, with downright falsehoods, had his head turned by the flatteries of the hireling writers and reviewers here; and I should not wonder if his work acquired him the unspeakable felicity of hearing, that even his name was mentioned in a conversation between two Lords. The great recommendation of the work was, that it was not the work of an Englishman. No: it was, it was said, the work of an American, who, of course, was a friend of the French, and not at all disposed to exaggerate in describing their misery. This was the fraudulent colour under which the work got into circulation. Mr. Walsh was a tool in the hands of crafty men, who dazzled him with praises, and, perhaps, did not neglect the use of still more efficacious means. But now as to the resemblance between Mr. Monroe's measure and the Conscription of Napoleon: 1st. The French Conscription was decreed by an arbitrary despot, assisted by an Assembly whom the people had not chosen. The levy in America is ordered by a law, passed by the Congress, who are the real and not the sham representatives of the people; who have recently been freely chosen by the people; and who, if they desire to be re-elected, must act so as to please the people, the time of their re-election being near at hand. 2d. The French conscript was called out to fight for the support and aggrandizement of a particular family, and for the support also of nobles in the possession of their titles and estates. It was the honour of the Crown that the Frenchman was called on to fight for, and that, too, in distant lands.-The American citizen is called out to defend nu Sovereign family, no Crown, no nobles, to give no security and to gain no renown for them, or any of them; but to fight for the safety, liberty, and honour of a country, where there are no distinctions of rank, and where, of course, every individual fights, when he does fight, in his own cause as much as in the cause of the President himself. 3d. The French Conscription compelled personal service.-The American levy contains no such compulsion. Every twentyfive men, between the ages of 18 and 45, are to furnish one man. If no one of the twenty-five will serve in person, the whole twenty-five together are, according to their property, to pay a certain sum of money. 4th. The French conscript, while he left, perhaps, an aged father or mother at home living in penury, was fighting for an Emperor, whose wife carried about her person, at the nation's expence, decorations, which cost as much as would have fed thousands of families for a year. The American levyman knows, that his Government, all taken together, President, Congress, Judges, Secretaries, Clerks and all, do not cost so much in a year, as is swallowed by an Imperial Family in one single day. 5th. France was not invaded. This is a very material point. America was, and is, invaded. Her villages, towns and cities, have been plundered and burnt. A conti nuation of this mode of warfare has been distinctly declared by our Admiral to have been resolved on. It is invasion, it is devastation, it is fire, it is the sword, it is plunder, at their very doors, and in their very dwellings on the coast, that the American levy are called forth to repel, to pu nish or to prevent. It is no possible, no imaginary, no distant danger that has called forth this measure from the Congress: it is actual invasion; it is an enemy in the country, there laying waste, plundering and killing. Lawfully, if you please; but, that is no matter. If Napoleon had landed an army here, he would have been justified in so doing by the laws of war; but, when we expected him even to make the attempt compensation. If none of them choose to at invasion, did we confine ourselves to serve, the money in lieu of the service of measures like this of Mr. Monroe? Did one man is to be collected from twenty-five we not call upon the whole of the people to men. And, which is the beauty of this be ready to come out under martial law? admirable scheme, when it comes to the But I am here anticipating another part payment of money, each person is to pay, of the subject of my letter.. not the same sum, but a sum in proportion So much, then, for the resemblance be- to the amount of his means. In England tween the French Conscription and the the names of all of certain ages, in each American Levy; and, I am sure, that parish, are put into a box, out of which the your Lordship will allow, that they no more number wanted are drawn. It happens, resemble one another than this REGISTER of course, that, of four, one is a rich merresembles the Times newspaper. What, chant, another a farmer, another a jourthen, becomes of Mr. Walter's bombastical neyman taylor, and another a labourer. trash about sanguinary despots and chained Each is to serve in person, or find a substiconscripts? Yet, he will find dupes! He tute. The price of the substitute is as has found dupes for many years, and he high for the poor as for the rich. The two will continue to find them upon this sub latter, therefore, who have no property to ject, I fear, 'till we shall see an American defend, must serve, or they must rake fleet on the coast of Ireland, an occurrence together the means of paying for the more probable than, at one time, was defence of the property of the rich, thought the capture of an English frigate and thus involve themselves in debt, by a Republican thing with a bit of striped and expose their families, if they have bunting at its mast head, as Mr. Canning any, to misery. But, you see, Mr. Monthought proper to describe the American frigates. But, my Lord, it is not with the French Conscription alone that I mean to compare the Republican Levy. Let us see (for that will bring the thing home to us) what is the nature of this measure of Mr. Monroe compared with our Militias. And this, my Lord, is what Mr. Walter calls a "Conscription" this he calls a measure of "barbarous humiliation” tó the people of America; for proposing this measure he calls Mr. Madison a “sangui roe's scheme most effectually provides against this. It puts all the male population, between 18 and 45, into classes of twenty-five men. Each class is to send one man. If they agree amongst themselves who shall go, the thing is done. If none of them choose to go, then the twentyfive are to pay a sum of money; but here We have two or three Militias; but they are not to pay alike: the journeyman there are two clearly distinguished from taylor and the labourer are not to pay like each other: One is called the Militia, and the merchant and the farmer: every man the other the Local Militia. The former of the twenty-five is to pay in proportion consists of men called out by BALLOT, to his property; and thus does the burden WITHOUT ANY REGARD TO THE of defence fall with arithmetical correct. AMOUNT OF THEIR PROPERTY.ness on the thing to be defended.. Each man, so called on, must serve in person, or must, out of his own pocket, find a man to serve in his stead; and, seeing that the service is, in all respects, except that of being sent over sea, the same as that of regular soldiers; seeing that the man may be marched to any part of the kingdom, may be quartered in camp, in barracks, and is subjected to all military pains and penalties, the price of substitutes has long been so high, that no labourer or journeyman has, out of his own pocket, great a fool as he. been able to procure a substitute. Now, But, to proceed, our Local Militia were you see, there is a wide difference here. to serve only within their several counties, For the man of small means in America but their service has now been extended; has twenty-four others to assist him in though, except in cases of urgency, they paying the money necessary to engage a are to be called out only a month in the substitute. Twenty-five men are put into year. Here no man must get the means of a class. If one of them goes to serve, the hiring a substitute from any Insurance or others are able to make him a handsome! Club. He must make no bargain with his 66 nary despot," this is the measure which he says will never be submitted to by the Republicans. The foolish man will soon have to announce his astonishment at the complete success of the measure if he has not, I will acknowledge myself to be as keeping that army complete. He, fool as he is, smells powder in every line of this scheme. But it is his business to misre master to work out the amount of the penalty. He must swear that the ten pounds comes out of his own present means, or he must serve in person. In this case, how-present, to disfigure, to induce his wellever, we approach a little nearer to Mr. Monroe's excellent scheme; for, in this militia, we proportion the fine, in some measure, to the property of him who refuses to serve; though a rich farmer still pays only about twenty pounds, while the poorest of his labourers must pay ten pounds, though certainly the property of the former may be estimated at two or three thousand times greater than the property of the latter. Now, according to Mr. Monroe's scheme a couple of farmers would find themselves classed with twentythree labourers and journeymen blacksmiths, collar-makers, wheelwrights, &c. &c. And, of course, the two farmers would pay 24-25ths of the penalty; or, which would be the natural result, one man out of the twenty-five, with a handsome reward from the rest, would chearfully take up the musket instead of the dung-fork, or the sledge-hammer. dressed rabble of readers, and you too, if possible, to believe, that the scheme will fail, and that, therefore, we ought to carry on the war with all imaginable energy. I trust, however, that you are not to be misled by him, or by any body else. I trust, that you will see the danger which this wise and equitable plan presents to us. I trust, that you will at once abandon all hopes of extorting any concession from a country, which has now shewn, that difficulties and dangers, as they press upon her, only tend to increase her energy, to raise her spirit, and make her more formidable, I have respect enough for the understanding of your Lordship to believe, that you have not read Mr. Monroe's letter to the chairman of the Military Committee with great attention, and not without some degree of alarm. But the conclusion of it is so very important, that I cannot refrain from again calling your attention to it. 66 66 But the most important distinction still "I should," says he," insult the underremains to be noticed that is to say, that "standing, and wound the feelings of the we have, for twenty years, had a Militia" Committee, if I touched on the calamion foot, under martial law, under officers" ties incident to defeat. Dangers which commissioned by the King, under the regu- are remote, and can never be realised, lar discipline, lodged in camps or barracks," excite no alarm with a gallant and gene-marched to every corner of the kingdom," rous people. But the advantages of without any actual invasion of the country. success have a fair claim to their delibe These regiments have been kept up, the rate consideration. The effort we have ballotting has been going on, and no inva- already made has attracted the attention ders have come to burn our villages, towns," and extorted the praise of other nations. and cities; or, to plunder them, or lay" Already have most of the absurd theothem under contribution. While, in Ame- "ries and idle speculations on our system rica, we are invading and laying waste; of Government been refuted and put we are taking permanent possession of one "down. We are now felt and respected district; we are compelling the people to " as a power, and it is the dread which swear allegiance to our king; we have a the enemy entertain of our resources and mighty naval force continually menacing "growing importance, that has induced the sea-coast; we have one army afloat" him to press the war against us after its here, another there, more are going out; "professed objects had ceased. Success and this Mr. Walter is calling 'till he is "by discomfiture of his schemes, and the hoarse for more troops to be sent to devas-" attainment of an honourable peace, will tate and divide the country, to overturn the place the United States on higher! Republican Government and reduce the "grounds, in the opinion of the world, people to unconditional submission; all "than they have held at any former pcthis he is doing, while he is, at the same "riod. In future wars, their commerce time, crying out against the "barbarous" "will be permitted to take its lawful scheme of calling upon the people of prounmolested. Their remonstrances perty to defend their country, either into foreign Governments will not again their persons, or with their purses. Aye, my "be put aside, unheeded.-Few will be Lord! fool as Mr. Walter is, he perceives, " presented, because there will seldom be that Mr. Monroe's is an infallible scheme" occasion for them. Our Union, founded for raising an army in a short time, and for" on internal affection, will have acquired range "new strength by the proof it will have land, who wrote, in my paper, under his "afforded of the important advantages own name, a series of letters to Mr. Jeffer "attending it. Respected abroad, and son. One day, I said to a friend of Mra "happy at home, the United States will Martin's, "when do you think he means "have accomplished the great objects for" to close; for, reaily, I am afraid that "which they have so long contended. As my readers will soon begin to be as 66 a nation that will have little to dread, as 66 weary as I am." "If," answered he, "a people little to desire."I beseech"I knew the state of his brandy bottle your Lordship's serious attention to these "I could tell you; for he'll stick to important words. I allow, that peace now" Jefferson as long as brandy will warm made on the basis of the Status Quo would" him, and not a moment longer."be success to America. I have often said So it will be, my Lord, with the Noblesse this before. To defend herself against us, of Massachusetts. As long as they are single handed, will be most glorious stimulated with the hope of forcing open the triumph to her, and will elevate her in the offices of Government by the misfortunes eyes of all the world. But, then, my of their country, they will talk big about a Lord, to repeat once more what I have separation of the Union; but the moment so often said, what will be the consequence that that hope dies within them, you will of her success at the end of a ten year's, see them as quiet as mice. And, really, I or a five year's war? How much greater do not know of any thing more likely to would then be her triumph? How much kill that hope than the scheme of Mr. Mongreater her weight in the world? How roe, which will not only bring forth an effi much more proud her defiance of us? cient army now, but which will hold an effiHow much more powerful her navy cient army always in readiness at a week's How much more exasperated her people notice, while, at the same time,it will obviate against us? the necessity of a standing army and of a great permanent expence, and will prevent the Executive Government from acquiring a patronage inconsistent with the principles of Republican Government, and dangerous to political and civil liberty. I confess, that, after all that has been said here about Mr. Madison; after all the threats of our press to depose him; after all the "liars, traitors, hypocrites," &c. that that press has called him; after all the expectations of seeing a Viceroy sent out to Washington City, it would sink the heart of John Bull down into his shoes to see a peace made with this same Mr. Madison, without extorting something from him. But you and your colleagues ought to despise. this national folly, created by the venal men, who live by misrepresentation and falsehood; whose tables are furnished with the fruits of flattering popular prejudices. I confess, moreover, that there is ano ther class of men, whom you would mortally offend by making a peace that should be honourable to America: I mean, the haters of freedom. I do not mean .. This moment has arrived the Courier newspaper with news of the PEACE.—I do not know how to express the pleasure I feel at this news, of the gratitude, which, for this act, I, in common with my countrymen, owe to your Lordship and your colleagues. Far be it from me to rejoice at what the Times calls the disgrace of the navy of England and the humiliation of the Crown; but being fully convinced, the longer the war had continued, the more disgraceful and dangerous would have been the result, I do most sincerely rejoice at this auspicious event, and certainly not the less on account of its being calculated to baffle the views of that hypocritical faction, who have still the impudence to call themselves Whigs. I am, &c. &c. I confess, too, that the friends of Captain Henry; that the would-be Noblesse of Massachusetts; that the Federalists in general, would be put down for ever by a peace with Mr. Madison, on terms honourable to America, made at this time, and which peace would clearly have been obtained by the wisdom of his measures and the bravery of those whom he has employed. But hang these scurvy Noblesse, my Lord! They are poor creatures. They cannot assist us. The population of America is essentially Republican, from one end 'to the other. These poor things have tried their utmost, and they have failed. When I was in America, there was a man, named Luther Martin, a lawyer of Mary. Batley, 29th Dec. 1914. WM. COBBETT |