those means, he had totally failed. There must be blame somewhere, and some defect existed which called loudly for enquiry. It was somewhat extraordinary, as well as mortifying, that, after all the means which had been placed in the hands of his Majesty's ministers, and the liberality with which those means had been dispensed in the course of the Spanish war, that the country had not yet reaped some of the fruits of the great victories; some of the benefits of the exertions which had been detailed. Nothing, however, seemed to have resulted from all these advantages, but calamity and distress, which gave rise to the natural proposition, that either lord Wellington was not entitled to the praise which the House was called upon to bestow, or the fault of our failure was a tributable to the gross negligence and imbecility of the ministers of the crown. He could not see how they could get rid of this dilemma. It was not, however, for the purpose of going at length into these topics, that he now rose; all he wished to do was, to protest against the system of delusion which had been observed by his Majesty's government for the last 19 years, 16 of them under his own observation, and to which the noble lord's speech formed a sequel. In every speech which had been delivered on occasions similar to the present, the same prospects of success were held out; the same panegyrics were passed upon commanders; the same panegyrics upon ministers themselves, ending always in disappointment, and calculated to engage them deeper in expence and war. Other and more fit opportunities would occur for the discussion of these subjects, which he now wished to avoid, as he was very unwilling to dissent from any vote of thanks or gratitude which might be proposed to the present commander in the peninsula. He could not help thinking, however, that it would have been better, if the question had not been brought forward quite so early, and that time might have been allowed to go into some inquiry on the general conduct of the campaign, before the House was called upon to give their vote. The noble lord, in the plenitude of his satisfaction, had not merely confined himself to Spain, but had travelled out of his course, and had taken the House to Russia, where, in the destruction of from two to three hundred thousand human beings, in the burning of Moscow, and in the devastation of an immense tract of Russian territory, he found new causes of congratulation, new sources of national pride and gratitude. He had called the attention of the House to the difficulties with which the emperor of the French was surrounded in his endeavours to reach winter quarters; and that he had considered as a matter of great triumph on the part of the emperor of Russia. Would he be equally inclined to consider it a matter of triumph, if Buonaparté should extricate himself from these perils which, in his opinion, was more than probable, and after having found good winter quarters, return to the contest with renovated ardour in the spring? Could he believe it possible that Russia could continue such a contest, and undergo a repetition of similar dreadful experiments and sacrifices? Supposing he marched to Petersburgh, which seemed to be his ultimate intention, would the same mode of defence, as at Moscow be adopted? Could Russia burn another Moscow to prevent its occupation by the enemy? Would she burn Petersburgh too? The Russian general Kutusow, speaking of the battle of Borodino, said, that he did not follow up the results of the battle, because he should in that case risk both his own army and the safety of Moscow. The event of the capture of Moscow did, notwithstanding, take place. He, for one, could not greatly admire the magnanimity of burning that, the preservation of which ought to have been fought for; nor could he see the shining character of the emperor Alex. ander, who was not, like the emperor the French, personally sharing in the danger of the war. He could not subdue the conviction which arose in his mind, on viewing all these things, of the utter impossibility of the emperor of Russia feeling any exultation whatever on the contrary, he thought that unfortunate individual must be oppressed by a view of the irreparable calamities to which himself and his people had been, and were likely, still further, to be exposed. The noble lord, in his almost incomprehensible speech, had next adverted to that which he was pleased to call a victory over the moral feelings of the Spaniards. This was an expression which he felt himself wholly at a loss to understand. Where was the proof of this victory? Was it to be found in the support which had been given to the Inquisition? Could it be said that our conduct in treating as traitors the Spaniards who had adhered to the French at Madrid, was the cause of this of results? The fallacy of such a course was manifest, from the fact of lord Wellington having gone half way in effecting the ob. ject he had in view, and being then obliged to retrace his steps. In conclusion, the hon. baronet said, he felt it incumbent on him to take this opportunity of delivering his sentiments, lest he might be considered as pledged, in the vote he should give, to any approbation of the conduct of his Majesty's ministers, than which nothing could be further from his intentions. desirable end? He should like to know | by what right these persons had been thus treated? Had not their country been betrayed and abandoned, and had not every Spaniard a right to decide whether he would join the French or the English? In his opinion, to treat them as traitors not only exposed our own partizans to a similar fate, but an act of gross despotism, and an abandonment of all humanity and justice-a species of conduct which would tend more to defeat the moral conquest of Spain, than to the attainment of any other object. But as he said before, where were the proofs of this victory, which had been claimed by the noble lord, to be found? How many Spaniards had signalized themselves for valour in the field of battle? It was true that our troops had maintained their ancient character for spirit and heroism, and on this head he felt as proud as any man; but when he heard all this vaunting and bragging, he should like to hear what the Spaniards had done, or where they had evinced a disposition to support their own cause? Far different was the opinion of the marquis Wellesley -he had taken a very different view of the war in Spain, and had told us we must look to ourselves for exertion, for from the Spaniards none was to be expected. Under all these circumstances, he was of opinion, if the war was to be carried on, that efforts should be made of a different description to those which had hitherto been witnessed. The same miserable and contemptible state of vacillation ought no longer to be suffered. According to the opinion of marquis Wellesley, who had been in Spain, the noble lord (Castle reagh) had no right to attribute any failure to the conduct of Ballasteros alone. The noble lord had brought a charge against that general, for not preventing the junction of the two French armies, and to this neglect were the failures of lord Wellington ascribed. Lord Wellesley, however, was of opinion that these failures were not merely owing to the conduct of one individual, but to the apathy-after all the blood that has been spilt, of the whole Spanish nation, as well as to the strength and energy of the French army, who did not, as the noble lord would have it understood, melt like butter before the sun. He would ask any man, whether it was a fair mode of measuring the merits of the war, by saying, at any particular period, Here let us strike a balance, and see how we stand, and from thence draw deductions as to the general Sir Frederick Flood said, he could not deny himself the opportunity which was now afforded him of expressing his admiration of the truly splendid victory of Salamanca-a victory which, while it placed the bravery of the British troops in a most prominent point of view, exhibited the transcendent military talents of their commander, the most noble the marquis of Wellington, in their true colours. Never was more consummate generalship evinced -never did the conduct of any man excite more deservedly the approbation of his countrymen. It was not his intention to go into the history of the campaign, which had already been so ably detailed by the noble lord; he would content himself, therefore, by declaring his hearty assent to the Vote of Thanks to the marquis of Wellington, for the brilliant victory gained by him over the French forces on the 22d of July last, to which he believed there was no man, either within or without those walls, would object.-" Thank God," said the hon. baronet, "we have committed our army to the care of a man of cool and deliberate judgment, one who is not fool-hardy, and who knows when he ought to go forward, and when he ought to go backward. He is not a rash man, who for the sake of a momentary advantage would sacrifice his army, but who, with that wisdom indicative of a great mind, waits but for an opportunity to annihilate the whole body of the enemy. After all the actions that have taken place a it would be degrading to the name of Great Britain and of Ireland, to solicit peace. Suppose a bully attacked Briton or an Irishman, and that he was repelled by their bravery, would it be come them, after they had gloriously beaten him off, to sue for peace? The thought was ridiculous-and equally ridiculous would it be to think of suing for peace, at this time, from that tyrant, that was aware that this step must, of necessity, emanate from his royal highness the Prince Regent, but when the services performed by the illustrious person to whom he al Lord Castlereagh remarked, that the ob servations of the hon. gentleman were not strictly applicable to the question before the House. It was not improbable, however, that he might hereafter be charged with some proposition of the sort. scourge of Europe, whose fate I am satisfied is now fast approaching. Let us all but unite; let the feelings of the whole United Kingdom be conciliated, and there is no doubt but all ranks of society, whe-luded were considered, he apprehended ther Irish or British, will join with one no opposition whatever would be given to heart and one hand to drive that scourge such a proposal. of mankind, (I was going to say,) to the devil. He must be resisted, as well as those erroneous people of America; but if you divide the country you cannot go on. As courage and virtue are alike common to all his Majesty's subjects, they ought equally to enjoy the advantages of the constitution. These are my sentiments, and these are the sentiments of a great and loyal county, consisting of eleven thousand electors, who did me the honour of sending me here, and of giving me the opportunity of expressing my sentiments. I have now to express my thanks for the indulgence which has been granted me by the House, whose pardon I beg for having so long trespassed on their attention. I cannot, however, conclude, without expressing my accordance with the feeling expressed by the hon. baronet who spoke last-I mean, with regard to the necessity of investigation hereafter. To that investigation I think it highly necessary the attention of the House should be se riously devoted. Let the time come when it will, I shall form my judgment as an independent man; I will look to measures and not to men, and if I find my best friend adopt measures, of the utility of which I am not thoroughly convinced, I will vote against him.-I will invariably act according to the dictates of my conscience; I will not be led away by party; I will ride my own horse, and will not be made the stalking-horse of others.If ministers are able to prove that they have furnished the marquis of Wellington with all the adequate means in their power for pursuing his military career, I will vote in their favour; but if, on the contrary, I find they have failed in their duty, I will oppose them. As I said before, I will support measures, not men." Mr. Cochrane Johnstone thought it would be no more than proper that some further pecuniary provision should be made for the marquis of Wellington. If any delicacy was felt in these times of distress to apply to the public for this remuneration for the brilliant services which had been achieved, the purpose might be answered, as in the case of the duke of Marlborough, by the grant of some royal manor. He Mr. Ponsonby was disposed fully to agree with the House in returning Thanks to the marquis of Wellington for the services he had performed. As the noble mover had gone into many other subjects, however, the merits of which he was not disposed to admit, he rose for the purpose of expressing a hope, that, in according with the present vote, he might not be supposed at all to agree with many of the things which the noble lord had thrown out. These he considered perfectly open to the House to examine hereafter. The Resolution was then put and carried nem, con.-As were also the following: "That the Thanks of this House be given to lieut. gen. sir Stapleton Cotton, lieut. gen. James Leith, lieut. gen. the hon. Galbraith Lowry Cole; and to major generals Henry Clinton, Henry Frederick Campbell, baron Bock, Victor baron Alten, baron Low, Charles baron Alten, John Hope, George Anson, William Anson, John Ormsby Vandeleur, J. H. C. de Bernewitz, the hon. Edward Pakenham, and W. Henry Pringle; and to the several other officers; for their distinguished exertions in the battle of Salamanca, upon the 22d of July last, which terminated in a glorious and decisive victory over the enemy's army. "That this House doth acknowledge and highly approve of the distinguished valour and discipline displayed by the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers of the forces serving under the command of general the marquis of Wellington, in the glorious victory obtained, upon the 22d of July last, near Salamanca; and that the same be signified to them by the commanding officers of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their gallant and exemplary behaviour. "That this House doth highly acknow ledge the zeal, courage, and discipline, displayed by the officers, non-commissioned officers, and private soldiers, of the Portuguese forces serving under the command of general the marquis of Wellington, in the glorious victory obtained upon the 22d of July last, near Salamanca. "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that a Monument be erected in the cathedral church of St. Paul, London, to the memory of major general John Gaspard le Marchant, who fell gloriously on the 22d of July last in the battle fought near Salamanca, when a decisive victory over the enemy was obtained by the allied army commanded by general the marquis of Wellington; and to assure his Royal Highness that this House will make good the expence attending the COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer having moved the order of the day for the House resolving into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Creevey said he could not suffer the question of Supply to be adverted to without making some comments upon the present depreciated state of the paper currency of the country. The ill effects of the opinion recorded by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer during the last session of parliament, that paper was of equal value with gold, had now been fully experienced. He had heard that government themselves had become dealers in gold, and had actually been obliged to buy guineas at the rate of 27s. and 28s. apiece. He would wish to know whether this was a fact or not; as when he saw that persons of low condition were daily punished for this species of offence, he was at least anxious to learn that the framers of the law which led to these severities, were not themselves the first to break it. If this was the case, they were at an expence of from 35 to 40 per cent. for every 100l. which they sent to the continent, which, with other ruinous circumstances arising from a debased paper currency, called loudly for redress. Before the question of Supply was put, he begged leave to move, as a substitute for that motion, "That this House will take into its early consideration the state of the Paper Currency of this kingdom." The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he should have hoped, after the House had no longer ago than yesterday promised to the Prince Regent liberally to contribute to the supplies necessary for the support of the country, that no person would be capable of refusing all support, and of proposing to leave the Prince and the country defenceless, and without the means of carrying on the war, or resisting the enemy. He knew it was usual when questions of Supply were agitated, to take a large range over the conduct of his Majesty's ministers, but he never before knew an instance in which an amendment was made to the general question for a supply to the crown. To himself it was a matter of indifference when the conduct of his Majesty's government was canvassed, but he certainly thought the hon. gentleman might have found another opportunity for his motion. At present he did not think it a fit opportunity of entering at large into the topic to which the hon. gentleman had adverted, and should therefore content himself with saying, in answer to what had passed, that he felt more fully confirmed, by every day's experience, of the soundness of the principles which he had advanced in the last parliament upon the subject of paper currency. Had the opinions of the hon. gentleman and some of his friends prevailed, with reference to the same subject, he had not the slightest doubt, that a fatal blow would have been given to the credit and commerce of the country, and to the rising hopes of the liberties and independence of Europe. Such being his opinion, he thought he could not do better than immediately take the judgment of the House upon the motion which had been made. Mr. Whitbread wished to correct the right hon. the 'Chancellor of the Exchequer on one point. His hon. friend by his amendment did not refuse supplies; he only wished the House to pledge itself to an early consideration of the depreciated state of the paper currency. His principal object in rising, however, was to remind the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he had forgotten to answer two questions put by his hon. friend; first, what was his opinion as to the value of the Bank-note, compared with the gold coin of the realm ? and, secondly, whether any agents were employed by government to purchase the said coin? If so, he thought it was an act of flagrant injustice to commence state prosecutions against individuals, for crimes such as the state itself committed. He protested against the imputation of denying supplies altogether. He saw no reason, if the amendment of his hon. friend were carried, why the House should not afterwards go into a Committee of Supply. himself, but to a friend, that the offer was made. The sum was 27,000 guineas, and the price, he believed, was about 25 shillings each. The conversation then dropped, and the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was carried. Mr. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he was at all times ready to answer questions of fact; but he would not answer questions of opinion, more especially of his own opinion of the opinion of others. He begged in answer to the second question, to state distinctly, that no agent had ever been employed by government to purchase the coin of the realm; and fur-ing sinecures had made the same offer? ther, that so late as yesterday, a large sum had been offered to him, which he had refused to purchase.-(A laugh.) He Lord Milton did not mean to support the amendment of his hon. friend. concurred in opinion with him, that the subject required a very serious discussion, and that it was the peculiar province of the House to guard the public purse. He was surprised, however, at the observation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the House had pledged itself yesterday to the Prince Regent, to grant the necessary supplies: the noble lord thought that it was perfectly understood that the Address did not pledge the House to any thing. Mr. H. Martin asked whether it was the intention of ministers to adopt any economical plan of reform, and retrenchment of expenditure, in consequence of the Reports of the different Committees, which were then on their table; if not, he should take an early opportunity of calling the attention of the House to those Reports. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he had endeavoured to look into the subject with all the attention in his power, but he was not prepared to present any digested plan upon the subject. Mr. Whitbread wished the Chancellor of the Exchequer to inform him of the amount of the gold offered to him, and whether it was the coin of the realm, and also what was the price. He thought the seller must be a very clumsy fellow to attempt to draw the Chancellor of the Exchequer into a breach of the law of the land to endeavour to persuade him to an act which would subject him to imprisonment, if not to transportation. Certainly the right hon. gentleman had the Attorney General to protect him-(A laugh). The Chancellor of the Exchequer begged leave to state, in reply, that it was not to Bennet asked, whether it was true, that TELLERS OF THE EXCHEQUER.] the Tellers of the Exchequer had offered to resign a third of their profits during the war, and whether other persons hold The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, Camden had made that liberal and pathat the marquisses of Buckingham and triotic offer, but he was not aware that other any had done so. persons TREATIES WITH RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.] Lord Castlereagh presented the following Treaties: 1 TREATY OF PEACE, UNION, AND FRIEND- In the Name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity. His majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, being equally animated with the desire of re-establishing the ancient relations of friendship and good understanding between the two respective states, have named for that purpose their plenipotentiaries, namely; his royal highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Edward Thornton, esquire, his plenipotentiary at the court of his majesty the king of Sweden; and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Peter de Suchtelen, general of engineers, quarter-master general, member of the council of state, inspector of the whole of the department of engineers, knight of the order of Saint Alexander Newsky, grand cross of those of Saint Wladimir and of Saint Anne of the first class, knight of the order of Saint George of the fourth class, and commander of that of Saint John of Jerusalem; and Paul Baron de Nicolay, his gentleman of the bedchamber of the fifth class, charged with his affairs at the court of his majesty the king of Sweden, knight of the order of Saint Wladimir of the third class, and of |
