Sayfadaki görseller
PDF
ePub

the royal order of the Polar Star of Sweden; who, after the exchange of their respective full powers, drawn up in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles :

ARTICLE I. There shall be between his majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, their heirs and successors, and between their respective states and subjects, a firm, true, and inviolable peace, and a sincere and perfect union and friendship, so that from this moment all cause of misunderstanding which may have existed between them, shall be considered as entirely ceasing and done away.

ARTICLE II. The relations of friendship and commerce between the two countries shall be re-established on both sides, upon the footing of the most favoured nations.

ARTICLE III. If, in resentment of the present pacification, and of the re-establishment of the good understanding between the two countries, any power whatsoever shall commit hostilities, whether against his Britannic Majesty or against his Imperial Majesty, the two contracting sovereigns engage to make common cause for the support and security of their respective states.

ARTICLE IV. The two high contracting parties will endeavour to come to an understanding and arrangement as soon as possible, as to all matters relating to their mutual interests, political as well as commercial.

ARTICLE V. The present treaty shall be ratified by the two high contracting parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in six weeks, or sooner, if possible.

In faith whereof we the undersigned, in virtue of our full powers, have signed the present Treaty of Peace, and fixed thereto the seal of our arms. Done at Orebro, the 18th day of the month of July, in the year of our Lord 1812. EDWARD THORNTON, (L. S.)

SUCHTELEN.

(L. S.) PAUL BARON DE NICOLAY. (L. S.) TREATY OF PEACE, UNION, AND FRIENDSHIP, BETWEEN HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY AND THE KING OF SWEDEN; SIGNED AT OREBRO THE 18TH OF JULY 1812.

of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the King of Sweden, being equally animated with the desire of re-establishing the ancient relations of friendship and good understanding between the two crowns, and between their respective states, have named for this purpose their plenipoten. tiaries, that is to say; his royal highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Edward Thornton, esquire; and his majesty the King of Sweden, Lawrence baron d'Engeström, one of the nobles of the kingdom of Sweden, minister of state and of foreign affairs, chancellor of the university of Lund, knight and commander of the orders of the King, knight of the royal order of Charles the thirteenth, Grand Eagle of the Legion of Ho nour of France; and Gustavus baron de Wetterstedt, chancellor of the court, commander of the order of the Polar Star, one of the eighteen members of the Swedish academy; the which plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full powers, drawn up in full and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles:

ARTICLE I. There shall be between their majesties the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the King of Sweden, their heirs and successors, and between their subjects, kingdoms, and respective states, a firm, true, and inviolable peace, and a sincere and perfect union and friendship, so that from this moment every cause of misun derstanding, which may have existed between them, shall be regarded as entirely ceasing and done away.

ARTICLE II. The relations of friendship and commerce between the two kingdoms, shall be re-established upon the footing on which they stood on the 1st day of January 1791; and all the treaties and conventions subsisting between the two coun tries at that epoch, shall be regarded as renewed and confirmed, and they are, by the present Treaty, renewed and confirmed accordingly.

ARTICLE MI If in resentment of the

present pacification, and the re-establishment of good understanding between the shall make war upon Sweden, his majesty two countries, any power whatsoever the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland engages to take meaIn the Name of the Most Holy and Un-sures, in concert with his majesty the divided Trinity. His majesty the King

King of Sweden, for the security and independence of his states.

ARTICLE IV. The present Treaty shall of the said election, and in order to insure be ratified by the two high contracting the return of the said F. Ponsonby, adparties, and the ratifications shall be ex-minister to divers persons, being his own changed within six weeks, or sooner if possible.

In faith whereof we the undersigned, in virtue of our full powers, have signed the present Treaty, and have fixed thereto the seal of our arms. Done. at Orebro, the 18th day of be month of July in the year of our Lord 1812.

[blocks in formation]

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Friday, December 4.

GALWAY ELECTION-PETITION OF MR. BLAKE.] A Petition of Valentine Blake, of Menlo, in the county of the town of Gal way, esq. was delivered in and read; setting forth,

That, at the last election for a member to serve for the town and county of the town of Galway in the present parliament, the petitioner and the hon. Frederick Ponsonby were candidates to represent the said town and county in parliament; and that, by virtue of divers charters, there exists a corporation by the name of the mayor, sheriffs, free burgesses and commonalty of the town and county of the town of Galway; and the right of election of members to serve in parliament for the said town and county of the town of Galway is vested in the freeholders thereof, and also in the resident freemen of the corporation of the said town; and that, at such election, Francis Eagar and Thomas Browne esquires, were the then sheriffs and returning officer for the said town, James O'Hara, esq., was recorder of the said town, and the right hon. Dennis Bowes Daly mayor of the said town and corporation; and that the said James O'Hara was counsel at the said election to the said returning officer, and at the same time assistant adviser and director of the proceedings of the said D. B. Daly, mayor as aforesaid; and that the said D. B. Daly, at and during the said election, was the partizan and agent of the said F. Ponsonby; and that, at and during, or a day or two before the said election, the said D. B. Daly, then and still mayor of the said town of Galway, did, for the purposes (VOL. XXIV.)

tenants, peasantry, and dependants, the oaths called the freeman's oaths, in a private and separate room to which the agents of the petitioner were denied access, and no persons admitted but the friends of the said F. Ponsonby; and that such persons were admitted by the said D. B. Daly, mayor as aforesaid, by great numbers at a time, for the purpose of be coming occasional voters, and in order to carry the election against the petitioner, contrary to the law of parliament and the rights of the petitioner; and that several freemen would have qualified under the act 4th Geo. 1, c. 15, and would have voted for the petitioner at the election aforesaid, if the said D. B. Daly had not refused to administer the oaths of qualification to such persons, although the same were duly demanded to be administered by the said D. B. Daly; and that the sheriffs received the votes of many persons against the petitioner who were disqualified from voting, and of many persons who voted as freemen of the said corporation, and freeholders of the town and county of the town of Galway aforesaid, who had no right or title of voting whatsoever either as freemen or claiming to be freemen, or as having freeholds within the county of the said town; and that several persons voted for the hon. F. Ponsonby as freemen, who were non-resident, and not even freemen de facto, and without evidence by the proper officers of their admissions according to law; and that many persons were permitted to vote for the said F. Ponsonby, although there was no legal evidence of the admissions of such persons entered on stamps, as required by the Irish act passed in the 13th and 14th year of his present Majesty, or by other stamp acts, some or one of them; and that many persons were permitted to vote for the said F. Ponsonby whose admissions had never been entered on stamps; and that divers voters who, at the said election, voted for the hon. F. Ponsonby, were Roman Catholics; and that the certificates of their qualification, and their quali fication itself, was irregular and defective, the same not having been made or granted by or before magistrates or persons duly authorised to act in granting or allowing the same; and that the oaths required by law to be taken, in order to qualify such persons to vote at an election (N)

[ocr errors]

for a member to serve in parliament, were | not duly administered by or in the presence of the proper magistrates, officer or officers, appointed to administer the same; and that, after the teste of the writ of summons to parliament, and at and during the election aforesaid, the said F. Ponsonby, by himself, friends, agents, and others on his behalf, and particularly by the said right hon. D. B. Daly, then and still mayor of the said town of Galway, did present and allow, and promise to present and allow, to divers persons having votes at such election, money, meat, drink, entertainment, gift, and reward, in order that the said hon. F. Ponsonby might be elected to serve in parliament for the town and county of the town of Galway aforesaid; and that, by the said several and other undue means, the said F. Ponsonby obtained an apparent majority of votes over the petitioner at the said election, and has been returned as duly elected, although the petitioner had a legal majority of votes in his favour, and ought to have been returned to serve in parliament for the said town and county of the town of Galway; and praying the House to declare the election of the said F. Ponsonby for the said town and county of the town of Galway void; and that the said return may be amended or altered, by striking thereout the name of the said F. Ponsonby and inserting in the place thereof the name of the petitioner, and that the petitioner may be declared duly elected and returned to represent the town and county of the town of Galway in this present parliament, or to make such other order for the petitioner's relief in the premises as the House, in its wisdom, shall think fit." Ordered to be taken into consideration upon the 11th of February.

THE PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE MARQUIS OF WELLINGTON.] Lord Castlereagh presented the following Message from the Prince Regent :

[blocks in formation]

thought proper to confer on him and his descendants.

"The Prince Regent recommends, therefore, to the House of Commons the adoption of such measures as may be necessary for the accomplishment of this most important object. G. P. R."

Ordered to be taken into consideration on Monday.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, December 7.

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE MARQUIS OF WELLINGTON.] The order of the day being read, for tak ing into consideration his Royal Highness's Message, respecting the marquis of Wellington,

The Earl of Liverpool said :-In rising, my lords, to propose an Address in answer to his Royal Highness's most gracious Message, for the purpose of expressing your lordships' concurrence in forwarding his Royal Highness's intention, I am sure I should be wasting your lordships' time, if I were to say one word in recommendation of such a motion. After the able and eloquent speech of my noble friend (earl Bathurst) on a former evening, in moving the thanks of this House to that gallant and distinguished general, and after the able speeches of other noble lords, and of the noble marquis opposite (Lansdowne), upon the same occasion, it would be impossible, my lords, for me to add one expression which could evince more of my own admiration, or raise a higher opinion of the noble marquis's conduct. At the same time, I will venture to occupy a small portion of your lordships' attention in stating a few circumstances respecting this great general, which I think are entitled to consideration. His Royal Highness has stated, that in wishing to confer upon the noble marquis, by an act of munificence, what will enable him to support his merited dignities, he has taken into consideration the signal services the noble marquis has performed for his country, and these services, so constant and unwearied, cannot be too much valued. For four campaigns, my lords, has the marquis of Wellington devoted the powers of his body and mind, to the conduct of the war in the peninsula. In the course of that period, he has been opposed to the most celebrated and experienced of the French generals, to Soult, to Victor, to Jourdan, to Massena, and to Marmont, and not

only, my lords, has he been opposed to all these, but he has overcome them. Indeed, when we reflect that the whole of this period has been devoted to the cause of his country, without the exception of a day, when we reflect what privations he must have endured, that no considerations of personal ease could divert him from his object, that no fatigue, that no considerations of private policy could shake him in the discharge of these important public duties, we are led to wonder at that strength both of body and of mind which could support him under all these circumstances, and for so long a period. The marquis of Wellington, my lords, is justly sensible of the high honours which have been conferred upon him, for no greater perhaps ever fell to the lot of any man; eight times he has received the thanks of parliament, and in six out of those eight times he was commander in chief. But in respect to any pecuniary compensation, independent of the reward which on a former occasion was voted by the legislature to lord Wellington, instead of having had, during all these campaigns, any opportunity of increasing his fortune, he has, I believe, on many occasions experienced its diminution. I shall not detain your lordships further, than by proceeding to make that proposition which I am convinced will be unanimous, because it is one in which you are called upon to concur, in justice to lord Wellington, and to yourselves. Because, my lords, in conferring upon lord Wellington a reward for his past and distinguished services, you only do that to which he is entitled as an individual; and when you take care to reward so great and undisputed services in such an individual, you adopt the wisest policy for the preservation and security of your country. I may here add what more properly comes first under consideration in another place, that it is the intention of government to propose a grant of 100,000l. to be vested in landed property, for the use of the noble marquis and his heirs, and in such manner as will be more particularly described in the act for that purpose. The noble earl concluded, by moving an humble Address to the Prince Regent, thanking him for his most gracious Message, and assuring him that their lordships will most readily concur in carrying his Royal Highness's intentions into effect.

Lord Holland had no disposition to make any observation upon the present

motion, after the able and just mode in which the marquis of Wellington's distinguished services had been described; in every word of which he most heartily concurred. He had only to remark that the proposition of the noble earl bad his entire approbation, and he felt satisfied in hearing the statement and extent of the grant intended, and the manner in which it was meant to be appropriated.

The Address was then agreed to nem. diss.

VICE CHANCELLOR'S BILL.] Lord Holland was desirous of submitting to their lordships' attention, a motion for further information respecting the Bill introduced by the noble and learned lord (Redesdale). The noble and learned lord, on a former night, had expressed his intention to oppose every proposition for delay. But he (lord Holland) was no further desirous of delay, than that before the House passed

measure of such importance, they should have every information requisite to form their judgment upon it. He, therefore, intended to move for the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to inquire into the causes of delay, in the decision of suits in the Court of Chancery. He was the more desirous of having this information before them, as it would enable the House better to decide upon the propriety of the Bill, and give time for the attendance of several noble lords who, no doubt, would be desirous of delivering their sentiments upon the subject. There were many objections he entertained against this measure, which he would not enter into at present, but which would probably be stated upon the third reading; and he trusted the noble and learned lord would so far accede to a full consideration of his intended measure, as to postpone its final consideration till after the holidays. In the mean time he should make the motion of which he had given notice, and against which, he believed, there could be no objection.

Lord Redesdale did not rise to oppose the motion of the noble lord, but he could assure the House, that no information could be derived from the Report alluded to, capable of altering their opinions upon the measure which he had the honour to propose. Their lordships would recollect that this subject had been under their consideration for nearly three years; that a committee had been appointed, who were unanimously of opinion that the evil com

ever early this Bill might pass, a considerable part of the session was likely to elapse before it could be carried into effect. He was, therefore, inclined to oppose any measure whatever likely to produce delay, but at the same time he could not object to the motion of the noble lord.

Upon the order of the day being read for going into a committee upon the Bill,

plained of required immediate remedy; and that the same committee, composed of persons of all others most competent to suggest a remedy, bad recommended the measure now proposed. With respect to the motion of the noble lord, it only went to the production of a Report which had little connection with the causes and grounds of the present measure. The Report was made by a committee appointed to enquire into the causes of delay in the Lord Holland again rose, and addressed proceedings of the Court of Chancery, the House upon the subject of this meaand chiefly arose, he believed, out of a sure. He was the more induced to state disposition to ascertain whether the causes his sentiments, in consequence of what had in that court had increased. The causes fallen from the noble and learned lord. in that court had certainly increased, and, The noble and learned lord had intimated from the increase of causes in all the his surprize, that no other measure had courts below, the Lord Chancellor was been proposed by him instead of that precluded from deriving that assistance recommended in the present Bill. With from the judges, which was given to my respect to himself, he did not consider his lord Hardwicke and others. But the in- knowledge equal to the task; and he crease of causes in the Court of Chancery deemed the argument a little extraordinary did not apply to the increase of Appeals which would infer, that because he did and Writs of Error in the House of Lords. not possess that legal knowledge which The arrear of these Appeals and Writs of was most competent to suggest the fittest Error was enormous; it now amounted to plan to be adopted, it was to be inferred more than 270, which would require from that he could not consistently state his ob12 to 13 years to decide, according to the jections to the one proposed. The noble mode in which these causes had been and learned lord would do him the justice hitherto decided, without taking into cal- to recollect, that on a former occasion he culation the accumulating arrear which had not publicly, but privately, commuwould take place in the interval. This nicated to him his objections to the predelay in the decision of Appeals was a sent measure. This was, however, a growing evil, and one of enormous magni- serious subject, as it affected the state and tude and great grievance to the suitor. the law of the country; and although he The noble and learned lord next proceeded was afraid he might discover ignorance in to notice the hardships of many individual his own ideas respecting it, yet, when he cases, where the parties were put to the saw the noble and learned lord so anxious most serious loss and the greatest incon- to push this measure in the absence of venience. In one instance, the rents and those who could have more ably pointed profits now depending, in consequence of out its impropriety, he felt himself parti delay, amounted to 30,000l. and, in others, cularly called upon to express his objechis lordship shewed what injurious effects tions to the Bill. With respect to all that might result from a further delay on the had been stated as to the magnitude of the death of the parties. The measure pro- evil complained of, and the immediate posed by the present Bill had been dis- necessity for its being remedied, he and cussed in the last session, and neither the the noble and learned lord were perfectly noble lord, nor any other peer, had then agreed; but he entertained very serious suggested any alteration in lieu of the objections against the mode now recompresent. When the Bill miscarried in the mended, not because it would be an unconother House, he had promised to bring it stitutional measure-no, he had formerly forward this session; and, in now pro- stated that this would be a material alteposing it to their lordships' consideration, ration in the constitution of this country, he had kept his word and discharged his and certainly he thought 30 still-but with duty. It was intended that a Vice-Chan- all the admiration he ever should cherish cellor should attend to the business of for the British constitution, he would be Chancery, while the noble and learned ever ready to acquiesce in any alteration lord on the woolsack sat from ten till three which should be proved to be necessary, o'clock, for three days in the week, decid-and likely to be effectual for the purposes ing cases now before the House. How for which it was intended. He begged,

« ÖncekiDevam »