Lord Holland never felt himself more embarrassed than upon the present occacasion, and had it not been an established rule with him, never to shrink from his parliamentary duty, he would have preferred being absent. His embarrassment arose from this, that he thought the proposition impolitic, but at the same time that it would be unwise and unsafe to reject it. He perfectly agreed with the noble earl in his praise of the patriotism of the Russian nation, and this praise was more particu larly applicable to the peasantry, who in sacrificing the produce of their earnings, had not the consolation of those feelings which were inseparable from the soldier, but were actuated solely by motives of pure patriotism. He could not, however, agree in the propriety of the mode proposed, nor did he see that the aid could consis

France invade Russia? not for the sake of | forded by this country, to fix the sentiinvading Russia, but because Russia would ments of the Russian nation in unison with not adhere to the continental system; our own, and thus cement the union of the because the government of Russia would two governments? The noble earl connot consent to exclude from her ports the cluded by moving an Address of concurproduce of our industry. Great Britain rence, and mentioning that the sum prowas, therefore, attacked through the me- posed to be granted was 200,000l. The dium of Russia, and to look at the question higher ranks in Russia had begun a conmerely in a mercantile point of view, the tribution which this sum was intended to greatest benefit had already accrued to aid. our commercial interests from the Russian successes. Was it nothing to have the market of 36,000,000 of people? Already had our commercial interests been materially benefited. The great interests connected with our colonies, had experienced the advantage flowing from the rise in the price of all colonial produce; our manufacturing interests had been benefited by the increased demand for the produce of their industry. Every channel of commerce had received fresh life and vigour, through the successes of the Russians. Looking at the question, therefore, in the narrowest point of view, the proposed aid was eminently called for-but in how much greater a degree, from other causes, and other feelings? Had it been merely a check to that torrent of ambition which had deluged so many other countries, still he would have contended for the grant; but here, where British interests were concerned in the contest-where British interests were so materially benefited by the result-how much more was such an aid called for? Let it not be supposed that he was insensible to the privations and the sufferings of the people of this country; but let it be recollected that here we were exempt from the actual calamities of war. The sending out fleets and armies on foreign expeditions, or the taxation consequent upon war, were as nothing, compared with those calamities which arose from a country being made the actual theatre of war. From these horrors we were exempted, but let us look with an eye of generosity to those who were suffering all the horrors of such a calamity. Was it not of importance to shew a disposition to aid the suffering people of Russia, and thereby cement the union of the two powers? The French in their invasion of Russia, by the cruelties they had committed, and by the sacrilegious destruction of their sacred edifices, had inspired the Russians with a detestation which would not only be felt by those now in existence, but by generations still unborn. Was it not of importance then, by the aid af ( VOL. XXIV. )

tently be afforded. If such a sum was disposable for this purpose, why had it not been applied to replenish lord Wellington's military chest; and might not the emperor of Russia say, if this money had been applied in time to replenish lord Wellington's military chest, it would have been of greater advantage to my cause than sending it now to me? The only argument that could induce him to accede to the proposition, was that used by the noble lord, of shewing a disposition to aid the Russian nation. He agreed that this was of importance, and he trusted, at the same time, that in the alliance of the courts of Petersburgh and London, there was a perfect understanding as to their objects, not only as to carrying on the war, but as to the means of bringing about a secure peace. Whether the emperor of France should escape or not, he trusted that the events that had happened would clear the way for that situation of affairs, which might render a peace upon secure grounds, less difficult of attainment; and that upon this point there was a thorough understanding between the courts of Petersburgh and London. For such an object, so highly to be desired, he anxiously looked to the effects (Y)

of this alliance, nor would he for a moment suppose, that any intention existed of endeavouring to force any other government upon France; which could only have the effect of rousing against us the yet remaining considerable resources of that power. With respect to the proposition now made, it must rest upon the responsibility of ministers. He did not think enough had been laid before the House to shew the propriety of the grant, but he was willing to believe that ministers had in their possession information to warrant the proposition. If any hint had been given to ministers that such a grant would be acceptable to the Russian government, or the Russian nation, then he should not hesitate a moment in agreeing to it. Under this impression, he would not withhold his vote from the proposition.

The Address was agreed to nem. dis.

GOLD COIN BILL.] On the order of the day being read, for going into a Committee on this Bill,

fected by resorting to this measure? Had it tended to support the war in the penin. sula? It was a well known fact, on the contrary, that ministers had been unable to send a requisite supply in specie to lord Wellington, and that his lordship had only been enabled to procure a supply from the circumstance of there being two prices in Portugal, a gold price and a paper price. Had a similar legislative enactment to this prevailed in Portugal the supply could not have been obtained. Thus it would be seen that it was only upon the principle of two prices that our army was supplied in the peninsula, a principle which, in fact, prevailed in this country, but in ineffectually endeavouring to counteract which by this measure, ministers had precluded the means of adequately supplying our army there from hence. The same principle also of two prices prevailed in Canada, where 100,000l. in Bank notes had been sent, and had been discounted, being taken at the rate of 14s. in the pound. Impressed with the idea of the futility of enacting what was in itself absurd, and in its consequences mischievous, as it could not prevent the two prices which it was its object to counteract, and as it operated by driving the gold out of the market to prevent a return to a sound and healthy circulation, he intended to have taken the sense of the House upon a motion for dividing the Bill into two; but as the House was thinly attended, he should not put it to the vote.

The Earl of Clancarty contended, that the most mischievous consequences would result from having two prices, and that the supply to our army in the peninsula was best secured by the present measure. The Bill then passed through the Committee.

The Marquis of Lansdowne expressed a wish, that the Bill had been divided into two. To one part of it he was disposed to agree, namely, that which respected distress for rent; it was true, it was a part of a faulty system, but it was certainly necessary to protect tenants from oppression in being called upon to do that which would be, under present circumstances, a violation of the original contract with the landlord; for though a noble friend of his in calling for rents in specie, had laid down rules which were perfectly equitable, yet other landlords might not be actuated by the same equity. So far, therefore, he agreed in the measure; but to the other part of the Bill, which went in fact to declare, that no person should part with gold, except for less than its value, nor take paper except for more than its value, he considered it as a system pregnant with incalculable mischief. He would not now enter into the question of depreciation; but confine himself to the more immediate object of the Bill, and he contended that it was perfectly absurd to attempt by a legislative provision to give a currency to paper, which was not worth the value set upon it. Similar expedients had been the resort of all weak and tyrannical go- The Chancellor of the Exchequer then vernments, and had successively failed. said, that had it not been for some intimaThe natural consequence was, the driving tions of intended opposition which the all the gold out of the market, and thus reading of the Message had produced last precluding the means of returning to pay-night, he should have left the question he ments in specie. What good had been ef- was about to propose to be decided by the

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, December 18.

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE FOR RELIEF TO THE INHABITANTS OF RUSSIA.] The House resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, to which the Message of the Prince Regent respecting the invasion of Russia was referred. The Message being read,

unbiassed judgment and feelings of the this measure expedient, was that of a House, with scarcely any attempt at ob- subscription entered into at Petersburgh, servation. He still hoped that four-and-at the head of which the Empresses and twenty-hours reflection might have convinced the gentlemen from whom those intimations proceeded, of the propriety of the measure recommended by his Royal Highness; and in that hope he should trespass but a short time on the attention of the committee, and avoid as much as possible every topic upon which a difference of opinion could be entertained, because he felt that nothing could add so much to the grace and dignity of the proceeding, or stamp so much value on the gift which it was proposed to bestow, as its being sanctioned by the unanimous voice of the Commons of the United Kingdom.

the rest of the royal family had placed themselves, for the relief of the greatest sufferers by the French invasion. Till this step was taken, it might have been doubted whether there were any practicable means of administering those comforts which the liberality of this country must wish to sup ply, but which would now be easy of application through the medium of the committees appointed for that purpose in Russia, who would enquire into particular cases, and apply relief where it most was needed, with the same anxious solicitude and discriminating care which had been so often displayed in similar cases in this country.

He first felt himself bound to give some In what manner the relief should be apaccount of the particular time at which the plied, whether in money or in any supply measure was proposed, because some gen- of necessary articles, or by a due mixture tlemen had spoken of it as a surprize upon of both modes, he could not at the moment the House, and appeared to think that it be prepared to state. It might be proper was on that account objectionable. It on this subject to leave much to the diswas, indeed, in one sense, a surprize, not cretion of our ambassador at the court of only upon the House, but upon his Ma- Petersburgh, and at all events to consult jesty's ministers; for it arose out of events him upon the subject; in which no time which could not have been anticipated, need be lost, as the ambassador might be and the intelligence of which had but just instructed to make such advances as were reached this country; events of the most necessary, upon account. important and gratifying, yet, in some With regard to the amount of the sum, respects, of the most melancholy nature. he was aware that it could not be comWhile the enemy remained upon the Rus-mensurate with the extended misery, to sian territory it was obvious that no relief the alleviation of which it was to be diof the kind now proposed could have been rected. On the other hand, it would not afforded; because it could neither have become the liberality of this country to been administered with certainty, nor en-offer to our allies, suffering in our cause joyed in security. But we have now the satisfaction to know, that the French armies have been driven with discomfiture and disgrace from the limits of the Russian empire. This, he hoped, would sufficiently account for the grant not being proposed at an earlier season, and he thought it would be obvious to every gentleman that it could not be delayed, without losing the grace and merit of a spontaneous gift, and sacrificing the dignity of the House, whom it became rather to lead than to follow the impulse of public opinion: for he was convinced that, if parliament were even for a few days to hesitate, the feelings of the people of this country would be so excited as to break out in some voluntary acts of public generosity, and parliament might be compelled to imitate an example which it better became them to give.

The intelligence, however, to which he more particularly alluded, as rendering

and the general cause of Europe, not less than in their own, a scanty and penurious grant.-Allies he repeated, suffering in our cause, as well as in their own, for the contest in which Russia was engaged, was not merely one of the greatest importance to the political interests of Great Britain, but immediately connected with the direct interests of those manufacturing bodies whose sufferings had been invidiously stated as an objection to the grant. That the manufacturers had suffered from many causes, and especially from the loss of the American trade, he was far from denying; but the glorious successes of the Russian arms appeared to offer an ample compensation for the loss of the American market, in the extended markets of Europe, which now seemed about to open to their industry. In this point of view he was persuaded that those manufacturers who had been alluded to, would be among the first to ap