and the private articles he is charged with, in favour of catholics. An alliance with two such powerful kingdoms was far from being unpolitic: for, whom should we have recourse to for assistance, but to those that are most able to afford it? And what nations are most capable to make trade flourish amongst us, but such as encourage our labours, and take off our manufactures? But, perhaps, those that quarrelled with him, upon this score, would have advised him to an alliance with the Dutch, the rivals of our earthly happiness; or with some petty German prince, to hang upon the court, like some starving trencher-man at a nobleman's table. Indeed, by the treaties of marriage with catholic powers, he seems to have been under a necessity of allowing some liberties to the princess consort, and her domestics. But in this he was not singular; some of his predecessors, though heathens, not refusing it. Besides, there was no law debarring him from such treaties; and he looked upon it as a branch of his prerogative, to dispose of his own children in marriage. But as to extending his indulgence any farther to his catholic subjects, it is what he solemnly denied; especially as to a toleration. What he was pleased to favour them with, in that respect, was, only to mitigate the execution of the penal and sanguinary laws, which both he and all Europe exclaimed against, as being carried on with too much rigour in the late reign. Then, as to the private articles, which are said to have been agreed to, in favour of catholics, the best of our historians look

ways. Yet even he remained still in his own conceits, not to procure for an heretic, wherein I was with him; nor yet to procure for the conversion of an heretic, wherein I was against him: for then our king had so great fear of the number of catholics, the puissance of pope and Spain, that he offered liberty of conscience, and sent me to Rome, to deal for the pope's favour and making of a Scottish cardinal;-as I did show the king's letters to father Persons, and prayed him to concur, at the least to give some satisfaction to our king; but in vain: and I returned to Avignon with much desolation, and did tell both pope and father Persons that now he sought them, but, being refused, the time would come that they would search him, and likeways in vain; which now they experiment. * The pope is well affectioned. Some other disposition there be. The number of catholics be great. Only father Persons do guide. I pray your reverence to counsel him not to exclude us, or to attempt without counsel." Original, Stonyh. MSS. Ang. A. iii. 55.-T.]

*

upon them as spurious, or, at the most, only the foul draught of a scheme, drawn up by some catholics, in hopes that it might take effect."

With regard to what is alleged against king James in relation to his son-in-law, the prince Palatine, as if he neglected the protestant interest upon that occasion, and did not support him in his pretensions to the kingdom of Bohemia, he declared to the world that he did what he was capable of doing, considering the situation of affairs in Europe, at that time. He assisted him, and engaged his friends to assist him, with money. It was not in his power to restore him to his patrimony. He promised to send over forces, if his parliament would provide for them, and other protestant princes (as, by repeated instances, he had exhorted them), would join with him in the cause. But then, at the same time, he took the liberty to say, that he was incapable to judge of the merits of the cause, between the emperor and his son-in-law; as being entirely a stranger to the laws and customs of the Bohemians, in the election of their kings. Besides, he was not thoroughly satisfied with those of his subjects, who were for pushing him on, to make war with the emperor. The subjects of the Palatinate were calvinists; and they were chiefly the fanatical party, who stickled so much for them in England, under the direction of Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, who endeavoured to put all Europe in a flame, by fomenting a religious war. The intentions of this prelate are laid open, in the letter he sent to Sir Robert Nanton, secretary of state, wherein he tells him "that God had set up this prince, his majesty's son-in-law, as a mark of honour throughout all christendom, to propagate the gospel, and to protect the oppressed: that, for his own part, he dares not but give advice, to follow where God

1 [The historians, here alluded to, are Nalson (Introd. liv. Iv.), and perhaps Echard, who has cited the remark of Nalson (i. 966). Frankland gives the articles, but says that "they must be taken entirely on the credit" of Rushworth (p. 80). By all our best writers they are admitted to be authentic. The matter to which they refer has been reserved by Dodd, as a subject for the introductory article to the following reign.-T.]

leads; apprehending the work of God in this, and that of Hungary that, by piece and piece, the kings of the earth, that gave their power to the beast, shall leave the whore, and make her desolate: that he was satisfied in conscience, that the Bohemians had just cause to reject that proud and bloody man, who had taken a course to make that kingdom not elective, in taking it by the donation of another. The slighting of the viscount Doncaster, in his embassage, gave cause of just displeasure and indignation. Therefore, let not a noble son be forsaken, for their sakes, who regard nothing but their own ends. Our striking in will comfort the Bohemians, honour the Palsgrave, strengthen the princes of the union, draw on the united provinces, stir up the king of Denmark and the Palatine's two uncles, the prince of Orange and the duke of Bouillon, together with Tremouille, a rich prince in France, to cast in their shares. The parliament is the old and honourable way for raising of money; and all that may be spared is to be turned this way. And, perhaps, God provided the jewels, which were laid up in the tower by the mother, for the preservation of the daughter, who, like a noble princess, hath professed that she will not leave herself one jewel, rather than not maintain so religious and righteous a cause. Certainly, if countenance be given to this action, many brave spirits will offer themselves. Therefore, let all our spirits be gathered up, to animate this business; that the world may take notice, we are awake, when God calls." This letter was far from being agreeable to king James, who was always studious of peace, and desirous to compose the differences between crowned heads, without going to extremities. As for archbishop Abbot, the author of it, he was always disposed to thwart the king in most of his

1

1 Rushworth, i. 12. [The letter, of which this is the substance, was written in consequence of a consultation on the subject of Bohemia, at which Abbot, from illness, was unable to attend. It is printed in the Cabala (108). Amongst other things, the prelate says: "There is no going back, but a countenancing it against all the world; yea, so far as with ringing of bells, and making bonfires in London, so soon as it shall be certainly understood that the coronation is past."-T.]

1

undertakings; was vehemently bent against the match with Spain, and a friend to dissenters. "His doors were most open to puritanical persons and malcontents." In fine, he was far from being a friend to the established church; and his remissness in church discipline made his successor's proceedings look like innovations, and his visible partiality to the laity, against the clergy, fomented those differences which afterwards happened, to the destruction of both the church and the monarchy.

Before I conclude what relates to king James's character, some, perhaps, may expect that I should add a word or two concerning arbitrary power, which he is said to have laboured for. As to the thing itself, arbitrary power, in all governments, must be lodged somewhere; because there must be a non plus ultrà of authority, in order to put an end to debates, which otherwise would be perpetual. Many inconveniences (besides breaking in upon the constitution) attend it, when it is assumed by a single person; and we are not always in safety when it is managed by a multitude: especially, when the number is contracted into so small a compass, as to become all dependent and creatures to a single person, who may, by that stratagem, deprive the people of their liberties, under the plausible pretence of being their guardians. The usurpation of a single person, in the first case, may be easily opposed; but, in the latter, where the people are made slaves, as it were, by their own consent, to whom can they have recourse, to shake off the burden? But these are matters of too high a nature, to be looked narrowly into. I shall only take the liberty to observe that arbitrary power, in the kings of England, has always been esteemed directly opposite to our politic constitution. But, at the same time, we are to take it along with us, that politic constitutions have, so far, a resemblance with human bodies, as to be subject to alterations. Now, it is undeniable, that the constitution of the English government has not

Echard, ii. 16.

always been the same. Several laws, which sometime were esteemed to be fundamental, have been repealed; both those regarding the liberties of the people, and such as belonged to the royal prerogative. Nay, even at this day, these matters are a subject of contention; nor can it easily be determined, where to fix the boundaries of each of those powers, which make up the legislature. It is not to my purpose to mention particulars. However, thus much may be said in general,that, as several of our monarchs, in former days, have borne hard upon the constitution, by depriving the people of their liberties, so the royal prerogative has been attacked by the people, where they had no right to call it into question. Now, as all persons are jealous of their privileges, king James, perhaps, might think his parliament was too encroaching, and, upon that account, show something of resolution and stiffness in asserting his prerogative; which, by construction, exasperated minds might look upon to be an attempt for introducing arbitrary power. But whether this was king James's real design, or only the surmise or misrepresentation of his enemies, I leave to every one's private speculation; and perhaps the following letter of king James to the speaker of the house of commons, will be some direction how to pass his judgment :"Mr. Speaker, we have heard by divers reports, to our great grief, that our distance from the houses of parliament, caused by our indisposition of health, hath emboldened some fiery and popular spirits of some of the house of commons, to argue and debate publicly of matters far above their reach and capacity, tending to our high dishonour, and breach of prerogative royal. These are, therefore, to command you to make known, in our name, unto the house, that none therein shall presume, henceforth, to meddle with any thing concerning our government, or deep matters of state; and namely, not to deal about our dearest son's match with the daughter of Spain, nor to touch the honour of that king, or any other our friends or confederates; and also not to meddle with any man's particulars, which