called Contra-Remonstrants, took part with the Gomarists. Those, that have delivered themselves impartially concerning this remarkable assembly of the reformers, tell us, that it contributed not the least towards their union; but, on the contrary, was a plain proof and instance, that all attempts of that kind would be unsuccessful, and, in particular, that the proceedings of the Dort synod were both uncanonical and tyrannical. The Arminians alleged that they had a right to be heard, but were excluded by the secular power. Mr. Collier, and several writers of the church of England, are so far from approving of what was done in that synod, that they bring several arguments to destroy its authority: particularly, that it is without precedent, that a synod of presbyters should pretend to prescribe terms of communion between church and church: that "the English, who appeared there, were no other than four courtdivines; their commission and instructions were only from the king: properly speaking, they were no more than his majesty's plenipotentiaries. They had no delegation from the bishops; and by consequence were no representatives of the British church." What opinion catholics had of these proceedings, any one may easily judge, who compares Trent with Dort, and, having taken a view of that assembly, made up of all the learned prelates in Europe, then casts his eye upon a paltry conventicle of despisable parish priests, overawed in every branch of duty. There is no room to object against the method of holding councils in the catholic church, where all things are carried on with freedom, and none excluded; where decrees are not made to favour the temporal views of particular states and kingdoms; but those preside, who are appointed by Christ, to rule and govern his church upon earth: which is far different from what is observed among the reformed churches.

1 Collier, ii. 718.

ARTICLE III.

GUNPOWDER PLOT.-EXPECTATIONS OF THE CATHOLICS ON THE ACCESSION OF JAMES THEY ARE DISAPPOINTED-THE KING IS HOSTILE TO THEM-HE BANISHES THE MISSIONARIES-AND ORDERS THE STATUTES OF RECUSANCY TO BE ENFORCED-THEIR CRUELTY-PARLIAMENTARY ENACTMENTSPROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION-CATESBY CONCEIVES THE IDEA OF BLOWING UP THE PARLIAMENT HOUSE-THE PERSECUTION ENCREASESTERRORS OF THE CATHOLICS-CATESBY'S ASSOCIATES-THEY TAKE AN OATH OF SECRECY-THE MINE IS OPENED-FAUKES HIRES A CELLAR UNDER THE PARLIAMENT HOUSE-OTHER ACCOMPLICES ARE ENLISTED-SCRU PLES OF THE CONSPIRATORS-CATESBY'S CONVERSATION WITH GARNETLETTER TO LORD MOUNTEAGLE-APPREHENSION OF FAUKES-HIS COMPANIONS PURSUED-THEY ARE TAKEN OR KILLED AT HOLBEACH-EXTRACT FROM GERARD'S NARRATIVE-PUNISHMENT OF CATHOLIC PEERS-DIFFERENT OPINIONS CONCERNING THE PLOT-THE CATHOLICS NOT CHARGEABLE WITH IT-BREVE OF CLEMENT VIII.-JAMES ACQUITS THE CATHOLICSLETTERS FROM ROME-THE ARCHPRIEST CONDEMNS THE PLOT.

UPON the decease of queen Elizabeth, catholics had conceived strong hopes that things would be much better with them, in regard of religion; many of them being of opinion, that king James would favour them with extraordinary privileges. Some expected a toleration: others, more sanguine, thought his majesty himself was not much averse to the catholic cause, and only wanted to be well supported in his inclinations. They frequently entertained themselves with the subject, suggesting the grounds of their belief, viz., the many favours he had received from the king of Spain, and other catholic princes, when he was distressed by his subjects in Scotland: the correspondence he held with several missioners of the see of Rome, upon some matters not known to the public: the entire respect he had for the memory of his mother, who never was persecuted, or ill spoken of, but by the reformed churches; with several kind expressions, dropping from him in discourse, which all tended to the same purpose. But what chiefly spirited up some particular persons of that party was, a discourse secretary Cecil had with Mr. Tresham and some other catholics of figure; importing, that his majesty would not frustrate their expectations, but make good all he had promised, while he was king

in Scotland.' Now, whether these gentlemen took hopes for promises; whether king James found himself

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[That the catholics not only entertained, but were justified in entertaining, these hopes of toleration from James is certain.-1o. It was known that, in most of his religious opinions, he approached at least, if he did not entirely assent, to the doctrines of the ancient church. In a despatch of Beaumont, the French ambassador, cited by Mr. Jardine (ii. 17), we are told that, immediately after the arrival of that minister in London, the king assured him "qu'il n'étoit point hérétique, c'est à dire refusant à connoître la vérité; qu'il n'étoit non plus puritain, ni moins séparé d'église; qu'il y estimoit la hiérarchie nécessaire; par consequent, qu'il avoueroit toujours le pape pour le premier évêque, et en icelle président et moderateur au concile, mais non chef ni supérieur." his "Premonition" to the " Apology for the oath of allegiance," James himself, having professed his belief in the three creeds, in the early councils, and in the scriptures as interpreted by the fathers of the first four centuries; having moreover declared his willingness to honour the saints, to observe their festivals, and to reverence her who," blessed amongst women," is " the mother of God ..., in glory both above angels and men," thus proceeds to speak on the same subject of the supremacy. "That bishops ought to be in the church I ever maintained, as an apostolic institution. * Of bishops and church hierarchy I very well allow, and likewise of ranks and degrees amongst bishops. Patriarchs, I know, were in the time of the primitive church (and I likewise reverence that institution for order sake); and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And, for myself, if that were yet the question, I would, with all my heart, give my consent that the bishop of Rome should have the first seat. I, being a western king, would go with the patriarch of the west. And for his temporal principality over the seignory of Rome, I do not quarrel with it neither. Let him, in God's name, be primus episcopus inter omnes episcopos, and princeps episcoporum, so it be no otherwise than as St. Peter was princeps apostolorum" (pp. 45, 46). These opinions, he says, he had adopted and avowed "six years before his coming into England" (p. 45): while his friends and courtiers had diligently circulated the report, that, "albeit for his religion, he could be no other than as he had been brought up and instructed, yet was he averse from all severity of persecution against such as were of different religion, especially catholic; granting it to be the ancient mother religion of all the rest, though in some things now amiss" (Gerard's MS. Account of the Plot, c. ii. 23).

2o. His attachment to those, who had suffered in the cause of his mother, had been publicly recorded by himself, among his instructions to his son. In his "Basilikon Doron," a work addressed to the young prince, he had referred to the experience of his own life, had declared that the followers of his persecuted mother had ever been the most faithful of his own servants, and had consequently enjoined his son so to profit by the example, as to secure the attachment of those, who had proved their fidelity to his parents. "To this effect," says Gerard," his majesty delivered his mind unto his son, and therewith great and comfortable hopes unto all catholics, that they, who had been true lovers and followers of his mother, should find favour; and that such, as had either done or suffered greatly in her service, should find an answerable requital and advancement" (MS. c. ii. p. 22). Gerard afterwards adds that his own brother, sir Thomas," going to meet the king at his coming into England, his majesty told him before divers that he must love his blood, for that he and his had suffered persecution for him'" (Ibid. p. 27).

3o. To these grounds of anticipation may be added the more direct assurances, given by James to various individuals. Such assurances, writes Gerard, " are said to have been sent by particular ambassages and letters from his majesty unto other princes, giving hope, at least, of toleration to catholics in England;

incapable to make good his word; whether Cecil really spoke the king's pleasure, or only made use of that stratagem to exasperate the catholics upon a disappointment, I leave to politicians to speculate upon the matter. But, let this be as you will, if king James was of which letters divers were translated this year into French, and came so into England" (Ib. 23). With the promises made to Watson the reader is already acquainted (Appendix, No. I.): but, besides Watson, others also hastened, on the death of Elizabeth, to present themselves before their new sovereign; and each, in turn, received from him the assurance of his protection for the catholic body. "At that time, and to those persons," says Gerard, "it is certain he did promise that catholics should not only be quiet from any molestations, but should also enjoy such liberty, in their houses privately, as themselves would desire, and have both priests and sacraments, with full toleration and desired quiet" (MS. 23. See also Appendix, No. VII.). "When Percy," says the earl of Northumberland, came out of Scotland from the king (his lordship having written to the king, where his advice was, to give good hopes to the catholics, that he might the more easily, without impediment, come to the crown) * *, he said that the king's pleasure was, that his lordship should give the catholics hopes that they should be well dealt withal, or to that effect" (Answer to Interrogatories put to the earl of Northumberland, Nov. 23, 1605. Orig. in the State Paper Office). It is true that James afterwards denied the truth of Percy's statement to the earl: but James was too much in the habit of denying what it was inconvenient to acknowledge; and, in the present instance, there is no reason to believe that he was more than usually honest.

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4o. The conversation with sir Thomas Tresham, which is alluded to by Dodd, is recorded in "the Petition Apologetical of the Lay Catholics of England," and described by bishop Challoner, in his "Missionary Priests" (ii. 1, 2), and by Mr. Jardine, in his narrative of the Gunpowder Plot (Crim. Trials, ii. 19). It was on the fifth of April, 1603, that James set forth from his native country, to take possession of the English throne. By his new subjects he was received with every demonstration of attachment; by the catholics, in particular, with congratulations on his accession, and assurances of their unbounded confidence in his goodness. To remind him, however, of his promises, they addressed to him a petition for toleration. They spoke of their sufferings in his cause: they alluded to their zeal in maintaining his title to the crown; and, while they asked only for "the free use of their religion in private houses," they offered to him, in return, as loyal obedience and as immaculate allegiance, as ever did faithful subjects, in England or Scotland, to his highness' progenitors" (See Appendix No. VIII.). The answer to this address seems to have been returned in the following July. In that month, Tresham, with a large body of distinguished catholics, was summoned by the royal command to Hampton Court. The parties were received by the lords of the council with every mark of respect. They had been sent for, it was said, to be made acquainted with the royal purpose. It was the king's intention" henceforth to exonerate" the English catholics from the fine of £20 a month, imposed, by the statute of Elizabeth, as the penalty of recusancy; and it was further resolved that "they should enjoy this grace and relaxation, so long as they kept themselves upright in all civil and true carriage towards his majesty and the state, without contempt." Tresham and his friends objected, that “ recusancy alone might be held for an act of contempt :" but the lords hastened to remove their apprehensions on this head, and, assuring them "that his majesty would not account recusancy for contempt,' desired them to communicate the king's gracious intentions to their brethren" (cap. 1.).-Yet, only seven months later, James could descend to vindicate himself from the charge of having promised a toleration, and could solemnly assure his council," that he never had any such intention"! Winwood, ii. 49.—T.]

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ever disposed to be a friend to the catholic cause, he found it necessary to alter his measures; and though he endeavoured to cover himself, in the famous speech he made in parliament, soon after his accession to the crown, by making a distinction between persons and principles, and pretending to be a friend to one, but an enemy to the other, yet the discerning part of mankind cannot be imposed upon by such captious subtleties. An honest man will always act by principle: and if a person's principles are unsound, either we must suppose he will act according to his principles, or that he is entirely a man without any principles :-in both which cases his person ought to be as contemptible as his religion.

From this disappointment, either real or imaginary, a great discontent arose among several of the catholic gentlemen, who, by degrees, talked themselves into an humour of giving some disturbance to the government, when a fit opportunity should offer itself: though, at the same time, they had nothing in view, to answer the project of a revolution; but, like persons intoxicated with strong liquor, seemed resolved to fall foul upon every one they met with. In these dispositions, they

[It is only just, however, to remark that the disappointment, here alluded to by Dodd, was embittered by the anticipation, almost by the certainty, of new and encreased severities. Whatever were the private feelings of James, his advisers were too sanguinary to spare, his own resolution too weak to protect, the catholics. Before a month had elapsed from the period of his arrival in London, his expressions and his conversation had already begun to spread alarm among the body. Each day brought fresh intelligence of his hostile resolutions. Beaumont, the French ambassador, heard him denounce the pope as "the true antichrist" (apud Jard. ii. 21): Watson had been insultingly told by him that the papists were no longer necessary to his advancement: whilst Coke, the attorney-general, publicly declared, on his authority, that "the eyes of the catholics should sooner fall out, than they should ever see a toleration " (Howell, ii. 5). The reader will recollect the bitter denunciations, described in the letter to the bishop of Norwich (page 21, note, ante). Those denunciations were uttered by James in a council held on Sunday, the nineteenth of February, 1604. On the following Thursday, he sent for the recorder, and, having denied his intention of granting a permanent toleration, ordered him to inform the citizens that, at his accession, he had been induced to mitigate the fines of the recusant catholics; that, as "not one of them had lifted up his hand against him, at his coming in," he had given them" a year of probation to conform themselves;" but that, "seeing it had not wrought that effect, he had now fortified all the laws that were against them, and commanded they should be put in execution to the uttermost" (Winwood, ii. 49). In accordance with this proceeding, the proclamation already referred to (p. 9, ante), enjoining the banishment of the catholic missionaries, was immediately published. At the