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penal laws, by which they were so severely affected. It statel, that they had taken every oath of fidelity and allegiance. They referred to the acts of the Irish Legislature for repeated proofs of loyalty; notwithstanding which, they remained subject to the severe disabilities enforced against them, in consequence of their conscientious adherence to the religious doctrines of their forefathers. They disclaimed all latent, all sinister motives whatever, and maintained that any imputation of that nature was repelled by their numbers and character. Their object was direct and avowed;—it was to obtain an equal participation in the civil rights enjoyed by their fellow subjects. The prayer of the Petition was, that their case night receive the favourable consideration of the House of Commons. He (Sir II Parnell) would not trespass further on the House, were it not that the Petition con-tained another clause of great importance to the discussion which was soon to take place on the subject. By that clause an opening was given for the satisfactory adjustment of that long disputed point relative to ecclesiastical security [Hear, hear, hear !] The House would agree with him, that the claims set up on the one side to security, and the denial of those claims on the other, had been the cause of the frequent failure of the cause of the Catholics in Parliament. Those claims had been founded on the apprehension of toreign interference in the nomination of the Irish Bishops. When plans were suggested for affording a security against this danger, the Catholic Bishops in 1808 published a resolution, declaring that, in their opinion, it would be inexpedient to alter the existing mode of nomination; and the laity soon followed their example. But now a complete change had taken place in their sentiments-a change so great, that all must admit, that the approaching discussion would take place under circumstances altogether different from any that had hitherto occurred-[Hear, hear, hear !] The Irish Bishops nolonger adhered to their resolution. On the contrary, they proposed an arrangement which was calculated to meet all the dangers apprehended by those who had hitherto opposed the Catholic Claims. The clause to which he had just adverted, and which he begged leave to read, contained this proposition, with a distinct avowal of the acquiescence of the great Catholic body in the opinion of the Catholic Prelates. They stated in the clause, that in thus addressing the Legislature, they were naturally desirous of conciliating favour, and obviating the objections which had heretofore been made to a compliance with their wishes; and that they entertained a conscientious conviction, that all the important differences existing on the subject might be happily reconciled, by the adoption of the domestic nomination of the Catholic Bishops, in which the Catholic Bishops were ready to concur, and which would meet with the most cordial approbation of the Catholics at large. He trusted that this declaration would be considered by the House not more important in its substance, than in the temperate and proper language in which it was expressed. It was necessary for him to explain in some degree the plan that it was intended to propose. He was able to do so on the authority of a Prelate of the Catholic Church, who stated, that the chief objection which had been long urged in the discussions in Parliament respecting the appointment of the Catholic Bishops, was, that although on a vacancy the Irish Prelates recommended an individual to the Pope, the Pope was not obliged to attend to their recommendation, but might instal any other person, even a foreigner. In order to obviate that objection, the Irish Prelates offered to procure from the Pope a Concordat, that he would not institute any other person as a Prelate, than the one recommended to him by them, his Majesty's liege and sworn subjects. The Catholic Prelates and the Catholics at large offered to bind themselves by oath to choose no one for recommendation to the Pope, but a native of the empire, and one whom they con

scientiously believed to be loyal in principle. They further proposed, that all the Catholic Bishops and Clergy should swear not to disturb, or attempt to overturn, by fraud or by force, the civil and religious institutions of the empire, or to interfere with the existing settlement of property. They had been assured by eminent persons in the confidence of the Pope, that he would not object to sanction these offers, if they were likely to give satisfaction to the Legislature, and to secure the desired relief to the Catholic body. Here, therefore, was a proposition directly meeting the objection urged, of danger arising from the foreign influence of the Pope, by rendering future nominations in every respect domestic. He (Sir H. Parnell) had felt it his duty to state thus much, in the hope that Hon. Members would take the subject into their most serious consideration, and would possess themselves of every necessary information respecting it, that they might be duly prepared to come to a wise decision on the motion that was soon to be submitted to them by his Right Honourable Friend. He wished to say a word or two on that which might to some appear an inconsistency on the part of the Catholics-the continuance of their objection to the Veto. The present was not the time for going into a detailed explanation on this subject. But the Catholics objected to the Veto on conscientious principles; conceiving that to accede to it, would be in effect to give to the Crown the nomination of the Bishops, which was contrary to the discipline of the Catholic Church, and would tend to the final extirpation of the Catholic Religion. He was enabled further to say, that should the general outline of this plan of Domestic Nomination be approved of, but should it be thought that it might be rendered more efficient by additional regulations, the Catholics would have no objection to accede to any propositions which might be thought ne cessary to the security of the Protestant Institutions, and which would not endanger their own. He would no longer occupy the time of the House, and would therefore move for leave to bring up the Petition.

General Mathew declared, that as there was a fair hope that this important question would be at last set at rest; he never offered himself to the House with greater satisfaction than he now did, to second the motion of his Hon. Friend,in every statement and sentiment made by whom, he mostly completely concurred. He was aware of the fair and honourable part which had been taken on this question by the Noble Secretary of State (Lord Castlereagh), and of the sentiments entertained of two of his colleagues. With such Cabinet support, It was almost impossible that the Catholics of Ireland should now fail of success. If they were once happy enough to get into a Committee, little remained to be done for the final accomplishment of the measure. For eleven successive years, whenever the question was agitated in that House, he had always conceived it his duty, as an Irish Member, to take some share in the debate, for he conceived that on the issue of it depended the peace and happiness not merely of Ireland, but of the British Empire; and he felt himself doubly interested therefore in it, first, as an Irishman, and secondly, as a Briton. Nothing could be fairer than the request of the Petitioners; they asked the House not for an emancipation, but for a Committee, in which they could shew them that emancipation could be granted with safety. That Committee would now be soon moved for by the Member for Dublin, when he had little doubt that it would be gone into.-He would not now enlarge on the question-he, as well as the Catholics of Ireland in general, thought that the less that was said on the subject the better [a laugh]. He would not trouble the House again till they should be in a Committee, when he hoped the question would be fairly and honestly gone into, and that no one would Fevive the memory of former days of blood and animosity, which ought all to be gone by, and which he trusted would soon be forgotten. He hoped that

his Majesty's Ministers would consider that there were six millions of Irish subjects looking forward with anxiety to the decision of this question. It was their bounden duty to make themselves masters of this subject, if they were not so already, before they determined on the security which they would advise to be demanded from the Catholic. The Catholics of Ireland had had the good fortune to depute to this country Dr. Murray and Dr. Everard, both titular Archbishops, who were well qualified to give every information that might be wanted to a right understanding of the subject. He had never yet heard any man say, that Emancipation ought not to be granted if the Church could be secure; and he was authorized in saying, that the Catholics were ready to give every security which could reasonably be demanded from them.

Mr. Webber, in a tone of voice nearly inaudible in the gallery, if we understood him correctly, expressed it as his firm conviction, that if they lis tened to the prayers of the Petitioners, it could only be considered as an insipient revolution, which would ultimately be subversive of the Protestant Establishment of Ireland.

Mr. Blake said, he rose not for the purpose of delivering his sentiments in support of the Petition, but to maintain the honour and dignity of the House, because the Honourable and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Webber) had said, that by going into the Committee, they would do that which could not fail to lead to the subversion of the Protestant Establishment. The records of Parliament were evidence that Emancipation ought to be conceded to the Catholics; and the only question now was, the nature and extent of the security which ought to be required of them. [Hear hear!] Whether that which was proposed by one party, namely domestic nomination, should be considered sufficient, or whether a Veto should be demanded.

The Petition was then brought up and read.

Sir Henry Parnell moved that the Petition be printed.

Sir John Nicholl rose to enter his protest against two assumptions which had been made that evening;-the one by an Honourable Baronet (Sir Henry Parnell) that the question was now reduced to what was the nature of the securities which ought to be required from the Catholics. He protested against this assumption;-the question was by no means yet reduced to this. When they could make this concession to the Catholics with safety to the Protestant Establishment, he should be as much rejoiced as any man to enter on the question of security. The other assumption against which he protested, was made both by the Hon. Baronet and the gellant General (Mathew) and was calculated to lull the vigilance of Members, and to put them off their guard;-they both anticipated that the question would now be carried with certainty. But he was of a very different opinion. And since the last discussion of the question circumstances had taken place, both in the United Kingdom and in the rest of Europe, not such as to place this question on a more favourable footing than that on which it formerly stood. The Petition was then ordered to be printed.

ENGLISH CATHOLICS.

Mr. Wm. Smith rose to present a Petition very similar in its object to that of the Hon. Baronet (Sir II, Parnell). It was from a number, by no means inconsiderable, of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, residing in the counties of Warwick and Stafford, praying that domestic nomination might be held a sufficient security to be taken from the Catholics, as the condition of admitting them into the privileges of the British Constitution.

The Petition was brought up, read, and ordered to be printed.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled,

The humble Petition of the undersigned Inhabitants of the Counties of Warwick and Stafford, professing the Roman Catholic Religion,

Sheweth,

That by acts of the 18th and 31st of his Majesty, your Petitioners, in common with other English subjects of the same religion, were graciously relieved from many severe pains and penalties, to which they were before subject, upon condition of their declaring upon oath, that they "Do not "believe that the Pope of Rome, or any other foreign Prince, Prelate, State, or Potentate, bath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this "realm; and without any restriction on, or interference with their Religi ous Discipline on the part of the Legislature."

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That they and the other aforesaid Roman Catholics have at all times since, as well as before the passing of those acts, proved themselves to be dutiful, loyal, and peaceable subjects of his Majesty, and that no injury to the state or public welfare has occurred from their observance of this discipline.

That, nevertheless, proposals are now about to be made to your Right Honourable House, as they learn, with the utmost grief and dismay, for annexing to a bill for their further temporal relief, different galling Restricti ons on their said Religious Discipline, which they are convinced will essentially injure, and may eventually subvert the Religion itself, which teaches them to be good Subjects.

That the acts and decrees of different late despotic foreign princes and potentates, though possibly professors of their religion, with respect to the exercise of it in their several dominions, constitute neither laws nor prece dents for the Religious Discipline of your Petitioners; many of them being notoriously uncanonical, capricious, and oppressive; and all of them emanating from a foreign and incompetent authority: whereas your Petitioners have the happiness of living in a free Country, and under a wise and liberal Legislature, which affords Religious Toleration to all its Subjects, leaving them to follow their own Rites and Discipline, no less than their Belief.

That the only imaginable ground for the interference of the Civil Power with their Discipline, rather than with that of the numberless other religious denominations, not belonging to the Established Church; namely, the possibility of some disloyal or seditious superior being placed over them by a Foreign Prelate, may now be removed, if this will satisfy the Legislature, so that no Roman Catholic Clergyman will be elected for the Prelacy in this kingdom, except by other native Clergymen, who, in addition to their oath of allegiance, will also swear that they will choose none but native subjects, of unimpeachable loyalty and peaceable demeanour.

Finally that however desirous your Petitioners are to partake with their fellow subjects in the full benefits of the happy Constitution founded by their Ancestors, they are still more anxious for the Integrity and Safety of their Religion; they therefore humbly pray this Right Honourable House, that the legal Toleration of their Religious Discipline, which they have enjoyed without blame since the year 1791, may not now be withdrawn from them.

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CATHOLIC CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS.

St. Patrick's Charity Schools, and Asylum for Catholic Female Orphans. ON Low-Sunday, a Sermon for the benefit of that Charity was preached by the Rt Rev. Dr. POYNTER, at St. Patrick's Chapel. The learned Prelate took his text from Luke xviii. 16. Suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not; for of such is the kingdom of heaven. This excellent discourse was of the usual length. With a wish to extend for the benefit of the Charity, the interest it inspired, we humbly offer a brief sketch of such points of it as our feeble recollection furni: hes-"It was," said the venerable Prelate," the delight of our Lord to be regarded as the Father of all in distress, whether corporal or spiritual; but this parental character he displayed to little children in a particular manner, suddenly interrupting an important Occupation to attend to them, and rebuking those who were unwilling he should be disturbed by them.---This endearing conduct of our Lord bestowed at once a blessing and an example. For what did he invite them! but that they might enjoy eternal life. It is this divine charity that so eminently distinguishes, that has ever animated the Catholic Church (apposite exam-ples of which his Lordship furnished).-But in nothing is it more apparent than in a peculiar solicitude for the children of the poor."-His L. exulted that this charitable feeling was eminently conspicuous in the Catholic clergy and laity of the metropolis towards their charitable institutions. He spoke in the kindest manner of St. Patrick's Charity and of its conductors, and entered into the principal details of its management;-he praised its beneficial influence and local utility, in the confessed improvement of the morality, decency, and good order that prevailed in the neighbourhood since its establishment.-The beneficial effects that had been produced founded an additional claim upon the confidence of the congregation and the continuance of its support.-It was from small beginnings these good and great effects had arisen; by persevering in them alone they can be continucd.-The advantages resulting from a pious education of poor children were not confined to them, but extended to the public in general; every feeling for the public good should induce a liberal support of it.-An education in which the cultivation of religious and moral principles are omitted or neglected is of the most mischievous description, as it enables those who possess it the more effectually to satisfy all the bad propensities of their nature, and consequently tended to the utter extinction of human happiness. -Man has but one soul, whatever he does must have a reference to its security and eternal felicity: the ministers of religion are, by the appointment of heaven, the guardians of his soul; it is therefore to betray the souls of children to deliver them up to the care of those who exclude religious instruction from their system of education.-It is moreover essential to the well-being of civil life to know, and religion alone can impart what God has revealed of himself, of the nature of man, his destiny, moral duties, and civil obligations; nothing, therefore, could be truly advantageous to man, that, was not in conformity to the revealed will of God. The grand object of a religious education is alike indispensable for the children of the rich and the poor, to secure their happiness both here and hereafter.When our Blessed Lord sent his apostles to teach the world, he did not tell them to disperse writings, but to go preach and minister, "Go, teach," &c. It was by teaching and preaching, all nations were converted to the faith of Christ: this mode of instruction is conformable to nature, to the customs of all people, and applicable to all times. His L. expatiated on the security of Catholics in their belief. Its text was taught to the children by the masters and mistresses, and the explanation of it given to them by their Clergy. How great are these advantages, how earnestly should we desire to extend them. His L. exhorted the children to evince their gratitude for

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