were wont to kill the Helots, ' as many' (the historian says) as was necessary,' whenever they found their numbers inconveniently large. The massacre of St. Bartholomew's finds its prototype in the murder of the minority by the Corcyrean majority. Some old tyrant (I forget his name) put a man to death who dreamed he had slain the tyrant, and was foolish enough to tell his dream. But the French tribunals at one time beat that; they cut off old women's heads, for suspicion of incivisme,' suspicion of not being inwardly pleased with the bloody doings of the majority! I doubt if the records of monarchical despotism thing equal to that.

can show any

66 Do not infer from this that I am in favor of monarchical absolutism. I would have none of any sort. I mean only to enforce the necessity of guarding against the dangerous tendency to democratic absolutism. Let the majority get a habit of feeling that they are the people—that they have the right to do whatever they like, and to treat the minority as if not belonging to the people-that he who opposes a monarchical absolutism is a hero, and, if he falls, a martyr in a sacred cause, but he who opposes the absolutism of a majority, is a criminal, who may rightfully be crushed by the sovereign

power he opposes; let such sentiments come to prevail, and what will there be but the worst of all tyrannies, the tyranny of an irresponsible, irresistible majority? What force, then, in laws and constitutions ?

"I do not say we have come to this, or are coming. But is there not reason enough, in human nature, in the quality of power to delight in itself; to grow and strengthen itself; to impose upon its own conscience, with a notion of its inherent. right; to be irritated at opposition, and so become self-willed and unjust; in all this, and in the pernicious influence of demagogue courtiers, their arts and flatteries, is there not reason enough for apprehension of what may come in the future? Are there no tokens of the existence of such false and dangerous sentiments? Are there no symptoms of their increase and spread ?

"The more popular rights, the more duties, and the more need of wisdom and goodness in the people."

CHAPTER XX.

VERY SHORT, PERHAPS UNPALATABLE-YET, IF TRUE, OUGHT NOT TO GIVE OFFENCE TO ANY GOOD MAN.

66

BUT, perhaps, husband, you have not the faith you should have in the virtue of the people," said Mrs. Oldham. She had been listening in silence until now.

"I have all proper respect for the virtue of the people," replied the Doctor. "I believe the great mass of them have virtue enough to follow their private callings, for the most part, with tolerable honesty-many of them with exemplary uprightness. The great mass of the people, especially off the pavements,' as an eminent statesman and friend of mine says, have political virtue enough to wish the country to be rightly and uprightly governed. But their virtue doesn't prevent their being tools in the hands of political managers."

"Very different men, my dear, from those of the earlier and better times. Sixty years ago men like John Jay-a name synonymous with every thing great and good-statesmanly wisdom, pure patriotism, unsullied honor, incorruptible integrity, had an influence in public affairs, and on the politics of the State, which such men do not have now."

"But of what sort are the managers nowadays ?"

"Professor Clare knows, my dear. such men as John Jay, Professor ?

Are they

"No, I must confess they are not," said he. "But what is their character ?" persisted Mrs. Oldham.

"You have no personal acquaintance with such men; I trust you will never have; and it is hard to make you comprehend precisely the species. But in general you may understand that they are men of small private and less public virtue. If we look to the case of your native city below, I should say the individual managers are for the most part men your father would not have liked to shake hands or walk the streets with. There was a time, in his day, when a De Witt Clinton could be be mayor for twelve years, and Richard Varick for I don't know how many."

"But could not such men have the office now

adays, if they would take it?

No, my dear, not a chance for it, unless in some extraordinary combined reaction of the property-holders and decent and respectable people of all parties, after some stupendously profligate and corrupt administration, it might be possible to put an able and good man in for once. But for the most part it is necessary to success that a man renounce integrity and honor; put himself into the hands of party politicians; give pledges of jobs, contracts and plunder to men who make corruption a trade, buying up at the highest price the suffrages and fists of the affiliated vice and ruffianism, that holds the balance of power.

"No, my dear wife, New York is ruled nowadays by such men as-rule it.

"How far the same thing is true elsewhere and throughout the country, is more than would be pleasant for you to know.

"So much for the political virtue of the people. Really I do not think there is any too much of it, not enough, I am afraid, for us to get on in the best way. But we shall get on after a fashion for some time, I make no doubt. But if we keep on as we are now going, there will come a time when we