of Bolshevism or Fascism, is the danger and ease of its being used for exactly the opposite of the things for which it is established or which the thoughts or ideals which its leaders profess. If it is possible to establish a widespread underground movement against Jews, Negroes and Catholics, why isn't it just as easy to establish similar movements against millionaires, machinery and foreign commerce, or against "Anglo-Saxons", Protestants and Germans, or against any set of people or set of ideas which any particular group of people dislike, hate or fear? It may be said that at present it is possible to mobilize larger numbers of people in a common hatred against the Hebrew race, the black race, and the Catholic Church than against any similar things; but this is not necessarily true and it certainly is not true in all places and will not be true at all times.

Without doubt, of all the dangerous weapons that civilized man has attempted to use in order to advance human culture the secret mass lie is the most dangerous and the most apt to prove a boomerang. This is the real thing that we are to fear in the Ku Klux Klan. We need not fear its logic. It has no logic. Whatever there is of truth in its hatred of three groups of Americans can be discussed openly and fearlessly by civilized men. If Negroes are ignorant underbidders of labor, unhealthy and lazy aspirants to undeserved equality there are plain and well-known social restraints and remedies. First, to improve the condition of Negroes so far as it is improvable; secondly, to teach them the reason behind the objections to their rise so far as there are reasons; and above all to examine thoroughly and honestly what the real questions at issue are. If the hierarchy of the Catholic church is in any way threatening democracy in America there is a chance for perfectly open and honest investigation and conference between this young democracy and that old and honorable government of the spirit of men. If the Jew in self-defense against age-long persecution has closed his fist against the world there is more than a chance to clasp that human hand. In fine, unless we are willing to give up human civilization in order to preserve civilization we cannot for a moment contemplate turning to secret, underground methods as a cure for anything; and the appearance of such a movement is not a case where we stop to ask

whether the movement in itself has at present laudable objects or not. It does not make any difference what the Ku Klux Klan is fighting for or against. Its method is wrong and dangerous and uncivilized, and those who oppose it, whether they be its victims like the Jews, Catholics and Negroes, or those who are lauded as its moral sponsors like the white Southerners, the American Legion and the "Anglo-Saxons", it is the duty of all these people to join together in solemn phalanx against the method which is an eternal menace to human culture.

W. E. BURGHARDT DU BOIS.

THE KU KLUX KLAN OF TODAY

BY WILLIAM STARR MYERS

Professor of Politics, Princeton University

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Ir is just a little more than two years since I contributed an article to THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW under the title Know Nothing and Ku Klux Klan, in which the position was taken that the movement, of which this organization is the outstanding representative, embodied a sincere, though mistaken, effort to preserve intact those peculiar principles based upon individual responsibility in religion and law that have found their expression in this country and in the institutions known as 'American". There were reasons which gave superficial cause for the fears of our self-appointed protectors of America, such as alien organizations in our midst, interference in politics by various religious bodies, and an overwhelming influx of immigrants. On the other hand, the Ku Klux Klan was merely a recrudescence of a like movement, the "Know Nothings" of some seventy years ago, and likewise would follow its earlier prototype in gradual disintegration and decay, due to the fact that while professing "one hundred per cent. Americanism", in itself it was a direct denial of two of the most fundamental principles upon which our country and its Government are built-namely, racial and religious freedom.

While I do not desire to appear opinionated or self-complacent, yet after going over the events of the last two years in retrospect,

as well as looking at the present situation with its somewhat changing emphasis of debate, I feel under no compulsion to change in any essential particular the judgments written down at that time.

It is true that the Klan still has its devotees and exerts its strength in certain localities, but all fear of its power has vanished except with regard to politics where, by skilful use of propaganda and prejudice, it is able to throw its weight for or against the candidates of either of the two major parties and thus can exert an influence far greater in proportion than its actual numbers otherwise would warrant. But in doing this, it is no more meretricious than the labor unions, Anti-Saloon League, agricultural societies, and religious and racial blocs in our large cities, especially in the East, and probably should not be feared or combatted more than they; for all alike are by their actions running perilously near the same charge of undemocratic and un-American activity, since class and democracy are never synonymous terms.

Thus we see two United States Senators from the Middle West, one of whom is especially vociferous in his protestations of party loyalty and simon-pure partizanship, make a complete somersault and, owing to fear of the Klan, vote against their party leader, Mr. Coolidge, and the specific pledge of their party platform at the Cleveland Convention of 1924, and oppose the ratification of the World Court protocol, although said ratification was accomplished only in the weak and tenuous fashion fathered by the Swanson Reservations. Also the Klan undoubtedly plays an important part in elections in certain parts of New York State, New Jersey, Colorado, Oklahoma and Texas, making its effects doubly sure in primary nominations and exerting a negative influence on platforms and party pronouncements. But aside from these instances there would seem to be no question that the Klan as an organization has passed its zenith and already is on the wane. Disturbances and schism in its official hierarchy in Georgia and Colorado are the unfailing sign, for people who are in the first flush of their enthusiasm for a cause are seldom interested in anything but expansion and outside aggression. When a point of stability is reached, then comes the time for "reorganization", heart-burnings and jealousies.

It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the wider the extent of such an organization as the Ku Klux Klan, the weaker its effect in any one locality. Relying as it does upon mob psychology and mass action, it inevitably will "break" when spread out too thin. Or like a prairie fire, it is hottest and most dangerous when extending over new territory, while leaving behind merely lifeless or smouldering remains.

Its opponents have learned a much-needed lesson. When the Klan first appeared it was met with widespread and vociferous condemnation. Metropolitan newspapers, evidently scenting the opportunity for wild exaggeration, fantastic romancing, and vituperation of the most popular type, went into a campaign against it with unbridled enthusiasm, probably with an eye to increased circulation, larger advertising reach, and the consequent good results on the right side of the monthly balance sheet. If the stories going the rounds of journalistic circles may be credited even in part, these results were financially all that were to be expected. At the same time the cheap politician, "popular' ecclesiastic and self-styled "publicist" went on the rampage and played the game to the limit of popular consumption or what they imagined to be such. Church and synagogue echoed with denunciation, "forums" and other "community" enterprises wildly applauded outspoken damnation of the entire membership of the Klan, good, bad and indifferent (or sometimes "plain fools"), and all redounded to the glory and advertising of that same organization. The more it was condemned the more its members, often honest and sincere, though misguided, believers in the imminent danger of the overthrow of their country, were convinced of the need of its activities if America were to be "saved". The Ku Klux Klan throve from the character and numbers of the enemies it had made.

Then followed the inevitable reaction, and the mob spirit on both sides happily cooled down. The politicians of a demagogic stripe as usual overplayed their hands, and were as intolerant in their charges of "Klan influence" as the Klan members were in their most active moments. There was just as much fanaticism and lunacy in the opposition as in the advocates. And now the people of sober common sense, in all walks of life and of all reli

gious belief or none at all, and the leading citizens both of American and foreign ancestry, have resumed their influence and have called a halt on the wild exaggerations. If ever there were needed a proof of the essential soundness and common sense of the American people, we are seeing it today. The Klan is just about as lively a national institution as the ghost of the Know Nothing party might be supposed to be, after about eighty years' decent burial. About sixty or seventy years from now there probably will be another like organization, but we of today need not worry much on that score; and probably the infants of the present day later will show the usual American aptitude for dealing adequately with such a problem when it arises.

There is another side of the question, however, which should not leave us in any too complacent a frame of mind. That is the continued existence of the same fanatical intolerance, the same desire for group autocracy on the part of various minorities, that has been the dominating spirit and controlling influence of the Ku Klux Klan. While it is forsaking more formal organization and the "mass play" of bizarre and fantastic regalia, yet it is as much awake as ever and can only be overcome by the two-fold process of education through the results of calm discussion and pitiless publicity, and the circumspect action and frank acceptance of unreserved loyalty to this country and its institutions on the part of various racial and religious enclaves that have sometimes shown a tendency toward selfish or unpatriotic aggrandizement. It may seem a small matter, but it may be said in this connection that one of the great causes of anti-foreign prejudice among our farmers and other country people is the crowds of "owner-drivers" of automobiles that swarm out of the cities upon every road within a radius of fifty to one hundred miles upon practically every Sunday and holiday of the year, and especially during the summer months. These people, often of foreign birth and comparatively recent immigration, not only "hog the road" and drive in the most reckless manner, but commit wide and serious depredations upon the gardens, orchards, woods and private property of the rural dwellers. The strength of the Ku Klux movement in these sections is probably a direct result, and only better policing of the roads, with better manners upon