first of a series of assaults on the Church which ended only with victory. The Baptists, who, prior to the Revolution, had been the greatest sufferers, now remembered their past wrongs as a stimulus to present duty, and commenced a regular warfare against the Established system, which they carried on for seven-andtwenty years! When the orators of principle, the advocates of truth, take counsel of prudence, and have patience to persevere, there is a power in their appeals which is always invincible, and infallibly guides to triumph. The tendency and effect, even from the first, of all this discussion was to diffuse light, and multiply at every step the friends of truth and freedom. The Episcopalians, the adherents of the Established Church, at length took alarm at the ceaseless memorials of the Baptists, Quakers, and Presbyterians, and sent in counter-memorials, in which, we regret to state, they were joined by the Methodists. The whole country at last mingled in the conflict, till at length the consideration of the question was forced upon the legislature, where it was warmly discussed for about two months, and the unexampled conflict brought to a close in the following manner:-all obnoxious laws infringing upon conscience were repealed; Dissenters were exempted from all compulsory_contributions for the state church; the Established clergy had their stipends continued till the first day of next year, and all their arrears secured to them; while the churches, chapels, glebes, books, plate, and other property, were to remain in possession of the Episcopal church; but all state pay was to cease and determine.

This arrangement, however, did not settle the question. Of the advocates of the Established principle some clamoured for one thing, some for another; one class called for the preservation of the remnant of the Establishment, another class for a general assessment in support of all sects of Christians, and a few bigots petitioned for the suppression of irregular preachers. The proposition for a general assessment aroused the Presbytery of Hanover once more to the utmost pitch of alarm and resistance; the Baptists acted a part worthy of their past conduct; and their united opposition acquired such strength that a bill to effect the assessment was abandoned after it had been ordered for a third reading. But the spirit of cupidity and pride still raged in the breast of the once dominant party. Scheme followed scheme for years to secure some fresh

ascendancy for the Established clergy, till at length a bill was introduced into the legislature to incorporate the Episcopal church, and to secure for her all the property she had ever possessed, not only in parishes which had both churches and ministers, but in the still greater number which had neither. This bill was actually approved, and just about to pass, when the Presbytery of Hanover, with the Baptists and Quakers, once more aroused the country from the one end to the other. On this occasion a convention of churches was held, at which a solemn memorial was drawn up, and one of the most powerful and public-spirited ministers of the day, the Rev. J. B. Smith, appointed to present the memorial and sustain it by personal advocacy at the bar of the Assembly. Before that bar this good and great man stood and pleaded three successive days, during which he utterly demolished the arguments alleged in support of the project, the scheme was abandoned by the House of Assembly, and the fate of the Establishment decided for ever.

This glorious struggle may be termed the model movement of the States. All eyes were directed towards it, and rightminded men in other States were fired by the noble pattern. The dissolution of church and state in Maryland soon followed. In that country, however, the conflict was short; for the clergy, having received the glebes and other ecclesiastical property, quietly retired to enjoy their comforts. New York, South Carolina, and all the other colonies in which Episcopacy had been established, followed the good examples of Virginia and Maryland, each emancipating its slave.

We now reach the stronghold of the church and state principles-Connecticut, New England. Here the unhappy vassal was Congregationalism, and its bondage continued full forty years after freedom had been forced upon its sister serf in Virginia. It was not, indeed, till 1816, that its best friends were fully prepared to unite in working out its deliverance. And who were those friends? The Episcopalians, the Baptists, the Methodists, the Universalists, and all who dissented froin it. The whole of these combined as one man in its behalf; they burst its fetters, and compelled it to be free. But how was this brought about? These bodies, themselves enlightened, bestowed the benefit of instruction upon their senators. They procured a majority in the legislature, and the dissolution followed as a

So stultified were the wisest of men by this system, that even Cotton Mather, of blessed memory, said, “Ministers of the gospel would have a poor time of it, if they must rely on a free contribution of the people for their maintenance." Happily, however, the Established Church there carried things with so high a hand, that the condition of Dissenters became at length intolerable. According to Mr. Baird, "Those evils became so great that the friends of evangelical religion, in other words, of the orthodox faith, of every name, resolved to unite in urging an amendment of the constitution." Clearly perceiving that, although in the highest sense a question of religion, it was also one of legislation, they betook themselves to the instruction of their legislators. In this work they at length succeeded. They acquired a majority of enlightened senators, who, in three successive sessions of Assembly, carried the measure by a majority; and in 1833 it became part of the organic law of the State, and from that hour the union of the church and it was at an end.

These are facts for the meditation of the British churches. How long will it be ere they show like mercy to the Church of England? Can the British churches have a better model than America presents? The matter is in their own hands, and, under God, every thing must depend on their own wise, patriotic, and holy exertions. Let it be observed, however, that in America the enterprise was embarked in as a great Christian duty, and not at all as a matter of factious politics. Let it be further remarked, that Christians of all sects and parties acted as churches and as denominations; that they all acted; and that while they used with skill, energy, and perseverance, the moral instrument, they universally wielded with dignified and patriotic determination the political instrument. Had they neglected the latter, they might have been unavailingly using the former up to the present hour. The state of the franchise amongst them was happily such that the legislature echoed the voice and gave effect to the

views and feelings of the majority of the people. Had it been the reverse, had this matter stood there as it stands in the freest states of Europe, the conflict would have borne a very different character, and the result have been far less immediate. The position of European Establishments is very different and incalculably stronger; the duties of their opponents are, therefore, far more arduous and complicated; and the victory, when attained, will consequently be much more signal and glorious.

EFFECT OF THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE IN AMERICA.

THE result of the separation of church and state in America has been in the highest degree beneficial. Mr. Baird, referring to Virginia and her once established clergy, exclaims, "What a change! How wonderfully has all been overruled by God for good! Instead of perpetual wrangling with their parishioners and the law officers about the taxes on tobacco levied for their support, as was formerly the case, they are supported, I do not say extravagantly or abundantly, but in general comfortably, by the contributions of their congregations; and instead of being disliked, to use no harsher term, I have reason to believe that they are universally respected, and even beloved, by the members of other churches."

But in

none of the States did the proposal of dissolving the union of church and state excite so much alarm as in New England, which, in many things relating to religion and letters, far surpassed them all. Even Dr. Dwight, notwithstanding his learning and sagacity, resisted it almost to violence. Of its most resolute opponents, however, not one now survives who "has not long since seen that he was mistaken, and has not now found to be a blessing what he regarded as a calamity." Let good men in England, then, who tremble at the thought of such a separation, hear the intelligent and faithful testimony of the eminent American minister already quoted, Mr. Baird. "On no one point," says he, "I am confident, are the evangelical clergy of the United States, of all churches, more fully agreed than in holding that a union of church and state would prove one of the greatest calamities that could be inflicted on us, whatever it might prove in other countries. This is the very language I have heard a thousand times from our best and ablest men in

speaking on the subject. In Massachusetts, which was the last of the States to abolish the union of the church with the civil power, the change was adopted from a conviction of the evils, on the one side, resulting from the union in that State, and of the advantages, on the other side, that accrued more and more from its dissolution; a conviction that led all the evangelical denominations to combine for its overthrow. In fine, after ten years' experience of the change, I apprehend not a single person of influence in all their ranks will be found to regret it." Is it possible to resist the inference? Would not the best thing that could be done for the Church of England be a combination of all classes for her emancipation from the degrading thraldom of the state?

To English patriots and statesmen we commend the following testimony of the same author. "And now, throughout the whole of the United States, truth stands on its own immutable vantageground. So far as the civil power is concerned, there is not the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or with the religious worship of any one. Religious liberty, fettered by no state enactment, is as perfect as it can be. Nor is any sect or denomination of Christians favoured more than another. All depend, under God, for their support on the willing hearts and active hands of their friends, whilst the civil government, relieved from the ten thousand difficulties and embarrassments which a union of church and state would involve, has only to mete out justice with even scales to all the citizens, whatever may be their religious opinions and preferences." Happy land!

We now appeal to all right-minded men whether this state of things does not strongly commend itself to their judgment? Is it not supported equally by reason and by Scripture? Let us look at facts. Here is a mighty nation, comprising eighteen millions of men, children of the same God, subjects of the same moral government; as citizens, all born with equal wants, and to equal rights, and capable

of equal duties; as creatures, all stand in need of the gospel, which is proclaimed to them all on the same terms. Let it be supposed, then, that they had never heard of it till now, and that now they are made to hear it simultaneously, and that four millions of the eighteen receive it. At this stage of the business let cause be shown why the Congress of these States should step forward and select one of these millions as the objects of government favour, and tax the other three millions for the support of its religious institutions. This being done, let cause be next shown why the remaining fourteen millions should likewise be taxed for the same object. And then let it be shown that these acts are consistent with the immutable principles of eternal justice.

This is the proper light in which to view it under the circumstances it would be easy to exercise reason aright and form a sound judgment. But in England, where the evil has lived through centuries, incorporated with the law and constitution of the country, and identified with the usages and feelings of society,-in England, where the evil has become canonized and clothed in a garb of sanctified solemnity, where it is graced by the crown and buttressed by the nobles, and where its chief ministers are palaced and coroneted, -in England, where myriads of various grades and divers orders find their highest account, present or prospective, in the preservation and permanence, and even in the multiplication of its abuses, it is more difficult to deal with it. In a really free state, where an Establishment is not, it will be far easier to show why it should never be, than in a country such as ours to prove its evils to prejudiced and interested millions, and to rouse them to concur in its extinction. The very attempt will expose the best of men to obloquy, and it will lead many to impeach at once both their loyalty and their piety. Be it so: opposition to this union, conducted on right principles and in a proper spirit, is an act of the purest patriotism, and of the most exalted devotion; an act worthy of a prophet to plan, and of an apostle to

execute.

THE CHRISTIAN WITNESS, AND PERIODICAL LITERATURE.

HAVING been kindly favoured by the

Editor of the Patriot with a number of letters sent to him relative to the Christian Witness, and having also before us a large portion of the letters received by the

Committee of the Union, their perusal has led to reflections and conclusions which prompt us, at the outset, to bring before our readers the subject of periodical literature generally, and of our own journal in particular.

The great body of the ministers who have replied to the circular of the Committee, view the subject as men of business, and, instead of unreflecting mirth at the Editor's intimation, that, while "an average monthly circulation of 50,000, for the first year, would not be absolutely discouraging, it would still be far, very far, from satisfactory," some of them

declare that if all the churches do as theirs have done, that number might be doubled. They are right: the reasonableness of this is easily made out. In England, there are 1,927 Congregational churches; in Wales, 479; in Scotland, 112; in Ireland and the Channel Isles, 31; 2,549. Now, taking simply the surface covered by the Union, we have no fewer than 2,406 churches. Allow, then, an average of only 25 copies to each, here is a circulation far beyond 50,000. But such an average as this, considering the numbers of our churches and congregations, should not be taken. It ought to be at least from 75 to 100.

Inconsiderateness alone can deem this extravagance. From the letters of reply to the Union circular, we may take two or three of the churches in very small country towns. A gentleman writing from Witham says: "We shall not, altogether, require less than 170 copies of the first number. This may be 20 more than we shall have subscribers for; but 150 will, I think, at least, be required afterwards as our monthly supply. Many of our friends were very sceptical of success to any extent with our people; but our bishop recommended it from the pulpit; our deacons and teachers have done their part; and if other congregations will only do so too, Dr. Campbell's 50,000 will be realized. Our success has not been difficult; and the people, I trust, will be the better for it." Our 50,000 realized? Ay, at this rate, seven times! Witham is a small town in Essex, with a population of only between 2,000 and 3,000. Totness, also a small town, in Devonshire, with a similar population, may be cited. The excellent pastor of the church in that place says, "I have succeeded in obtaining among my friends here very nearly one hundred subscribers. I dare say it will be quite a hundred in a day or two. I have obtained this number by not only

recommending the work from the pulpit, but by personally undertaking to order it, in the first instance, so as to save my friends, especially the young and the poor, the trouble of doing it themselves. Had I merely recommended the work, leaving the friends themselves to order it, I do not suppose that more than ten or twelve would have done so; but by adopting the plan mentioned, and afterwards personally applying to my people, I have succeeded in obtaining the number mentioned. I do feel exceedingly anxious that all our brethren should adopt some similar plan; for I am thoroughly convinced it would augment the sale of the CHRISTIAN WITNESS by countless thousands."

Mr.

These are most laudable examples; but they are only fair specimens of many letters received by the Committee. In confirmation of this we may cite a few places, scattered over all parts of the country, as the letters lie before us:Mr. Hall, of Hull, 100; Mr. Porter, of Darwen, 120; Mr. Hurndall, of Huddersfield, 100; Mr. Campbell, of Newcastle, 50; Mr. Parsons, of Brierly Hill, 50; Mr. Hutton, Northallerton, 50; Mr. Appleford, Toxteth Park, 50; Mr. Scott, Airedale College, 70; Mr. Jack, of Bristol, 60; Mr. March, of Newbury, 90; Backhouse, Rodborough, 60; Mr. Corben, Derby, 60; Mr. Bounsall, Ottery St. Mary, 50; Mr. May, of Clevedon, 50; Mr. Tiler, Whitchurch, 50; Mr. Smith, Halesworth, 100; Mr. Kay, Coggeshall, 90; Mr. James, Debenham, 52; Mr. Gawthorne, Belper, 50; Mr. Pyer, Devonport, 70; Mr. M'All, Nottingham, 200; Mr. Seaville, Wareham, 50; Mr. Wood, Bristol, 80; Mr. Aveling, Kingsland, 70; Mr. Greatbatch, Southport, 50; Mr. Stenner, Dartmouth, 40; Mr. Legg, Reading, 60; Mr. Reeve, Aspatria, 50; Mr. Brears, Penrith, 50; Mr. Pulling, Deptford, 60; Mr. Peterson, Wem, 100; Mr. Rowland, Henley, 60; Mr. Slight, Tonbridge Wells, 60; Mr. Alsop, Birmingham, 50; Mr. Mummery, Tonbridge, 41; Mr. Cooke, Gomersal, 50 or 60; Mr. Reeves, Hales Owen, 54. These are from middling-sized churches, comprising few of the large towns. Large as the numbers in these cases may appear, they are greatly exceeded in proportion by a multitude of the smaller places all over the country. Even the poor persecuted church at Bicester takes 26 copies, which is the number of its families, and their heroic pastor expects more! The result

of the whole is to verify the words of Mr. James, at Leeds, when, after stating

that, under our management, he considered "the thing as accomplished, and thought there could not be a doubt of success." He said, "Much would remain indeed to be done by pastors, and the success even of Dr. Campbell's editorship would depend greatly on their exertions ;' adding, "He thought there was often a want of that enthusiasm which might be expected in matters which closely concerned themselves; but he trusted that the present would be an exception to the rule." May we add, in confirmation, our own experience? A few hundred copies of the prospectus were distributed in the Tabernacle congregation, with a pulpit announcement merely, and the result is, full five hundred subscribers. In Tottenham-court Chapel, by a like process, the result will be full two hundred and fifty subscribers. This was all that was done to procure these 750

names.

There was not, to our knowledge, a single personal application; a little effort will raise it, perhaps, to a thousand.

The Dissenters of Great Britain seem utterly blind to their own real interests in relation to the Press. A correct return on the subject, embracing every church, congregation, and family, would present one of the most humbling documents that was ever issued in connexion with the Voluntary Principle. In some of the letters before us, it appears that there are congregations now subscribing for twenty or thirty copies of the CHRISTIAN WITNESS, in which not a single periodical was previously circulated. It is the same, to a lamentable extent, in other religious communities. While we proclaim this fact, we deplore it; and our object, in that proclamation, is neither selfish nor sectarian, but fraternal and patriotic. We ardently long to see the entire Nonconformist Periodical Press in a new and elevated position. Our cause is common; the weakness of one is the weakness of all; whatever improves the position of one will tend to the welfare of the rest.

There is no point on which the gigantic progress of the American mind is so strikingly exemplified as on that of Periodical Literature; no point in which she so signally displays her social superiority to the Mother Country. She is a full half-century, at least, before us. In nothing has her wonderful progress been more apparent than in her comprehension of the principle and development of the power of the Periodical

Press. So late as 1741, there was in all the States but one Periodical, called the General Magazine, published in Philadelphia. So far as that publication itself was concerned, not one element of success was wanting. The spirit of it was Catholic, benevolent, patriotic; and its popularity with the world was not endangered by an excess of religion, for its proprietor, conductor, and printer, was Benjamin Franklin ! Did it flourish? Six months put an end to it. In 1743, the Weekly Magazine was started, and, within the space of twenty-eight days, expired. Still, amid the grovelling multitude, there were a few men who entertained a strong conviction of the necessity and importance of Periodical Literature, and determined to cultivate a taste for it; accordingly, in the course of the next twenty years, nearly an equal number of Magazines was started, but, withSo late out exception, they all failed. even as 1775, not a periodical existed except the Pennsylvanian Magazine, the main-spring of whose existence was the coarse but powerful and stimulating pen of the impious author of the

Age of Reason." From this time it might be said the surface was brokenthe rock was perforated-the waters began to ascend. Still the progress of periodical literature was slow, and the obstacles in the way of its conductors were exceedingly great. Publications, however, rose one after another, and, in spite of difficulty, survived; till, in 1810, there were about twenty of them in existence, and most of these in a somewhat healthful state. Now there are, generally in a thriving condition, considerably upwards of one hundred.

In such matters, and, indeed, in every article of commerce, the condition of improvement is stability. Public appetite having been created, and the demand great and growing, the proprietors and conductors of Periodicals were studious to meet, and still further to stimulate it. The result of this was the introduction of two great improvements—first, a weekly instead of a monthly issue; and transmission by post instead of the carrier, thereby securing in a new country at once greater certainty and increased expedition. This latter advantage led to the use of the broad sheet, and hence the magazine assumed the shape of a religious newspaper. The weekly issue and post transmission may be considered as sure indications of the very matured state of the American Magazine. and when we