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not a day in which orders took precedence of notices?

been allowed to fight shy of the Catholic question. Notwithstanding what had been said by the hon. gentleman opposite, he still hoped the right hon. member would not be excused.

Sir W. W. Wynn did not see there was even a pretence laid before the House for the absence of the right hon. member. He should move, That he be taken into the custody of the Serjeant at Arms.

Mr. Pole rose again and said, he was absolutely certain that the right hon. gentleman would have been in his place had he not met with some unforeseen accident. However, he confessed that he had received no letter from the right hon. mem

ber.

Mr. Eden urged the propriety of the motion.

Mr. R. Ward deprecated the harshness with which the gentlemen opposite seemed to wish to have the right hon. member treated. He should move an amendment to the motion, That the right hon. gentleman be ordered to attend in his place on this day se'nnight.

The Speaker said, that questions of thanks to our fleets or armies always were allowed to take precedence of every other business.

It

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then spoke to the following effect:- Sir, from the opportunity which on former occa sions I have had of collecting the sentiments of the House on the course of proceeding with respect to questions similar to that which I am about to submit to their consideration, I agree with you, Sir, that the House will always be disposed to give to them an undoubted priority. gratifies me, however, to be enabled to assure the noble lord, that in my view of the present subject, it will not be necessary for me to detain the House at any considerable length; anticipating as I do, the unanimous concurrence of all who hear me, in the motion with which I shall have the honour to conclude. Sir, I have so frequently, during the short period of the last eighteen months, had the happiMr. Herbert opposed the amendment. ness to submit to this House a motion simiThe right hon. member had appeared in lar to the present, that I am justified, from his place almost every day until the ap- my experience on those occasions, in conproach of the Catholic question. fidently expecting that not a single disMr. Brand expected that the right hon.senting voice will be raised against my gentleman opposite, who had moved the call of the House, would have been the first to move the right hon. member into custody. As to the amendment, there was not the least doubt but that the right hon. member would be in his place on that day se'nnight. He was one of the lords of the Treasury, and materially connected with Ireland; and he certainly knew not why the presence of such a member should not have been enforced on the important question lately under consideration. If the House had the least regard for its dignity, it must order the right hon. member into custody.

present proposition. We may differ in opinion, Sir, on the general question of the manner in which the war on the peninsula has been conducted; we may even differ in opinion on the probable effect of the late or of any other splendid achievement of our brave troops-but it is impossible that we should differ in opinion on the able conduct of our general, and on the gallantry of our officers and men, with reference to the recent occurrrence, in which these qualities have been so successfully and so gloriously exhibited.— The House will recollect that at no great distance of time antecedent to the late distinguished achievement, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo took place. Immediately after that capture, lord Wellington meditated the direction of his forces towards that fortress, the acquisition of which it is now our object to acknowledge. The arVOTE OF THANKS TO THE EARL OF WEL-rangements for that purpose were made LINGTON, &C. FOR THE CAPTURE OF BADAJOZ.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to move the Thanks of the House to the earl of Wellington, and the army under his command

The Speaker then put the question, and as the House was about to divide, Mr. Ward withdrew his amendment, and the original motion was carried in the affirmative.

Lord Milton spoke to order; he wished to know from the chair, whether this was

with great expedition by the noble and gallant lord during the time that he kept his head-quarters; and so completely were the enemy deceived by the celerity and the secrecy of those arrangements, that they were evidently unapprized of the intended movement until it was too late for

fended themselves with the utmost spirit
and determination, and in such a manner
as to produce no inconsiderable effect.
While this dreadful conflict was going on
in the breaches, general Picton succeeded
in his escalade, and established himself in
the castle. Major Wilson carried the ra
velin of St. Roque. Major-general Leith
pushed forward major-general Walker's
brigade, which converting the feigned into
a real attack, and aided by the 38th regi-
ment, and the 15th Portuguese regiment,
forced the barrier on the road of Olivença,
and escaladed the bastion of St. Vicente.
Our troops being thus established in the
castle, which commands all the works of
the town, and the 4th light division being
formed again for the attack of the breaches,
all resistance ceased, and at day-light
next morning, an unconditional surrender
took place. Sir, in calling the attention of
the House to these gallant and distinguish-
ed exploits, it is impossible for me not to
advert to the loss which our brave army
sustained. The House must be aware,
however, that in the attack by storm of
such a fortress as Badajoz, the loss must
certainly be severe. The House must
also be aware, how important it was to
lose no time in the achievement of the
object. If we consider the advance of
Soult, with a view to attempt the relief
of Badajoz, we may easily conceive, that
had the assault been delayed, in order to
render the breaches more practicable, a
much heavier loss might have been sus-
tained by the double effort that would
then have been necessary to repel the ad-
vancing army on the one hand, and to
reduce the fortress on the other. Sir, I
shall forbear from dwelling, with particu-
lar distinction, on the names of any of the
gallant officers who acquitted themselves
so nobly in this most brilliant affair, be-
cause they are so numerous, the instances
of heroic gallantry were so general (as,
indeed, the list of casualties but too suffi
ciently testifies), that it would be in vain
for me to attempt to do justice to all, and
I am unwilling, by omitting any, to expose
myself to the charge of invidiousness. I
conceive that the House must be fully
impressed with the importance of this

them to entertain any hope that they might be able to collect a force adequate to the defeat of the object which the British army had in view. As soon as his preparations were complete, lord Wellington proceeded to Badajoz. He arrived at Elvas on the 11th of March. On the 16th he invested Badajoz. On the 17th he broke ground, and pushed forward his operations with all the rapidity which the utmost exertions of the officers and soldiers of his brave army enabled him to do. The House are in possession of the details immediately subsequent, from the pen of the noble and gallant officer himself; and I am sure that any attempt of mine to re-state them, will but tend to weaken the effect which they are calculated to produce. It appears, however, that the fire from the second parallel opened on the 31st of March; and that practicable breaches having been effected in two of the bastions of the fortress, on the 6th, at night, lord Wellington gave orders to proceed to the storm. The plan on that occasion was, that lieutenant general Picton should attack the castle by escalade with the 3d division-that major Wilson, with a guard from the 4th division, should attack the ravelin of St. Roque; and that the hon. major general Colville at the head of the 4th division, and the light division under lieutenant colonel Barnard, should attack the breaches in the bastions. Lieutenant general Leith, with the left brigade of the division under major general Walker, was to make a false attack upon two of the out-works. This feigned attack was not expected to take effect, but directions were given to turn it into a real attack, if circumstances should prove favourable. At ten o'clock at night, the attack commenced. The exertions of the troops on that occasion were never exceeded. They had to contend against an able general, who commanded a powerful garrison, not exhausted by the casualties and privations of a long siege, but capable of making a determined resistance to their assailants, and prepared by every means to give to that resistance the best chance of success. The conflict continued for above two hours, during which period the enemy re-operation. What the ultimate result may sisted with a gallantry which it is due to them to say, was as glorious as that of their assailants. It is undoubtedly true, that the assailants were exposed to infinitely greater danger; but we owe it to the enemy to acknowledge that they de

be, it is impossible accurately to predict; but there is every reason to believe that the British movement towards Badajoz, attracting the notice of marshal Soult, gave to the Spaniards in the south of Spain, the means of approaching Seville,

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and there can be little doubt but to this circumstance, general Ballasteros is indebted for the opportunity of marching into Seville, in consequence of the destitute state of defence into which it necessarily fell. I repeat, Sir, that it is impossible to anticipate the consequences of all these proceedings, but I feel justified in auguring most favourably from them, and in cherishing the expectation that they will be productive in the south of Spain of events in the highest degree auspicious to the common cause. The House and the country will, I trust, find some consolation for the severe loss which this glorious acquisition has occasioned, in the important effect which it is calculated to produce on the character, and probable result, of the awful contest in which we are engaged. It is but just that we should express the gratitude which we feel to those by whom such great national advantages have been obtained; and I therefore move you, Sir, in the first instance, "That the Thanks of this House be given to general the earl of Wellington, for the great ability and military skill manifested by him in the recent siege of Badajoz, by which that important fortress has been wrested from the possession of the enemy."

The question being put from the chair, Lord Milton rose to set himself right with the House. When he got up before, his intention was by no means to oppose the vote of thanks.

General Tarleton was of opinion that this last exploit of lord Wellington had done great honour to himself and the British army. Under all the circumstances, he believed that no general in the universe but himself would have attempted the capture of Badajoz; and that no troops in the universe but British, would have succeeded in that attempt.

Colonel Dillon was a little apprehensive that the results in the south of Spain expected from the capture of Badajoz might not come to pass so easily as was expected. Sir Joseph Yorke did not think that the motion went far enough in rewarding the illustrious commander of the army in Spain. He was of opinion, that the highest dignity the country had to bestow would fall short of rewarding his merits. Why should not the gallant commander have a marshall's staff, and be put at the head of the military administration of the country? General Mathew said, that he scarcely ever offered himself to the House with more pleasure than on the present occa(VOL. XXII. )

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sion, concurring as he did for the first time, and probably for the last, with the right hon. gentleman who made the motion. He had also to offer his humble thanks to the right hon. gentleman the Speaker, for permitting him to speak on this occasion; a permission, by the bye, which he was unfortunate enough to be unable to obtain during a late important debate, when he was most anxious to deliver his sentiments. He repeated that he was most happy to concur in the present motion of the right hon. gentleman, because it was a grateful duty to add his weak praises to the general voice of applause, because nothing could give him more pleasure than to speak the eulogy of many dear friends and countrymen who had fallen on this glorious occasion. agreed with the gallant admiral that the motion did not go far enough. He would not attempt to recapitulate the exploits, or to count the glories of lord Wellington: they were known to his country-they were felt by Europe-they were bright before the world, and would retain a splendour lasting to all time. It was suf ficient to say, that he had been victorious wherever honour and his country called him; and that, like Marlborough, he had never been beaten. To no general was lord Wellington second, and almost all had he surpassed. Was it not therefore right, that this conspicuous man, this man so gifted by nature, and so favoured by fortune-should by his country be pre-eminently distinguished? Was it not right that his gallant army, of whom he was not more the commander, than the father and the friend, should through him be magnificently rewarded? To this army, which so adored and idolized their commander, the country owed much; and how could that debt better be discharged than by dignifying to the utmost extent that commander? He would recommend the same measures to be adopted towards lord Wellington, as had been taken with respect to lord Nelson. The navy felt itself identified with lord Nelson; and the army would, he was sure, feel itself raised by every elevation of their chief.

It was a source of considerable satisfaction to himself, that about 20 years ago, he had served in the same regiment with lord Wellington; and the noble lord had since gained no victory in which he did not sympa thise, nor gathered a laurel for his brow which he did not delight to see him wear. But there was a trait in the character of (32)

Lord Grenville must protest against any comparison of the importance of the question in 1793, and at the present period. At that time there did not exist that great, immense, and extensive difference of opinion which now evidently existed. The question then was, whether it were proper to continue, for a limited time, the system then in existence. At present the strongest difference was manifested, as appeared by the numerous Petitions and applications to the legislature from every part of the country. Those who, on the former occasion, were of opinion that no change ought to be made, might have considered the period of the session at which they came forward, abundantly sufficient for agitating the operation; in that point of view might, on the same principle, now consider a similar period for discussion totally insufficient. Whatever the difference of opinion might be upon almost all other points, they were all decided that a great and effectual change must take place in the whole system; a consideration which would bear no comparison with the mere question of continuance. But there was another consideration which it was impossible any noble lord could overlook, namely, that which was presented by a view of the distresses of the country, by the cries and lamentations of their fellow subjects for opening new markets, when the trade and commerce of the country were in the lowest and most distressed situation ever known-a situation to which the weak and wretched policy of ministers had reduced them.

The Earl of Liverpool said he must be allowed to observe, that there was no disposition whatever, nor any reason to suppose there was, on the part of the King's servants, to avoid any course of proceeding that would give to parliament and to the country the fullest opportunities of deliberating on the subject in question. Even if the course adverted to was adopted, it would still be at the option of any noble lord to bring forward any of the great branches of the subject under separate discussion. With respect to what was said of the occasion in 1793, if he were not mistaken, there were also at that time the strongest representations from all the manufacturing towns, soliciting that the trade might then be thrown open to the country at large; and an arrangement had been proposed, by which it was thought that considerable benefits in the way of trade might be derived by individuals

through the medium of the Company. He was far from being insensible to all the difficulties and dangers of the present moment; but this was the first time he ever heard the year 1793 pointed out as one of great prosperity. On the contrary, it might be doubted, whether there was ever a period in which the universal commercial distresses of the country were greater than at that very period.

The Earl of Lauderdale contended, that a great and striking difference existed in the state of the question at present, and at the period of 1793. They had not ( then, as now, a prospect of India being a burthen upon the finances of the country. A noble marquis, then in his eye, had most ably demonstrated the great benefits which would result from a free trade to India; the military and political parts of the question also constituted an essential difference. Neither was there any comparison between the state of this country at the period alluded to and at the present time.

Earl Grey observed, that ministers continued to say, that there was every dispo sition on their part that this most important subject should have the fullest discussion, but still they delayed bringing for ward any measure relating to it. Not even a notice had yet been given as to when it was to be proposed, whilst the session was advancing to so late a period, that there would be a moral impossibility of giving the subject that deliberate discussion which its extreme importance so urgently demanded.

The Petition was then ordered to lie on the table.

MR. HENRY'S SECRET MISSION TO THE UNITED STATES.] Lord Holland said a rumour had been in circulation for the last twenty-four hours, of a Message having been sent by the President of the United States to Congress, charging that an agent from this country had been employed, by the governor of the adjacent British territories, to foment discontents in the United States, with the view of separating the Union; and the Message was stated to be accompanied by documents comprising the correspondence, which proved, as asserted, the existence of the agency. He believed there was no foundation for this statement, and he trusted that such was the case; but it would be satisfactory to the House and the public, if the noble lord opposite would give a contradiction to it.

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the army under lord Wellington, he could | in the shape of a Bill. A noble friend of not help taking notice of one circumstance his had suggested a mode of proceeding, which had taken place, as well at the in which the subject could be brought capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, as on the late before both Houses of Parliament, where occasion, and that was the small number the functions of the one House could not of killed and wounded of the enemy, and be necessarily excluded until the other the great number of prisoners. He con- branch of the legislature had taken its final fessed, it did appear to him a distinguished leave of the business, but a mode and circumstance in proof of the humanity, system of deliberation in which both as well as bravery of our army, that after so Houses could reciprocally afford light and bloody and obstinate a resistance, so small assistance to each other. He trusted some a number of the enemy should be killed, one of his noble friends would come forwhile upwards of 4,000 prisoners were ward this session, and bring the subject taken. before the House in the shape of Resolutions, involving the consideration, whether, on just grounds, the trade, not only to the East Indies, but to every other part of the globe, should be prevented from becoming general, or confined exclusively to any part of the kingdom. In this train of discussion, he trusted they all wished to see it; and he again expressed his hope, that some noble lord would, were it not done by the King's government, bring the subject before the House in the shape of Resolutions. His lordship concluded by moving, that the Petition do lie on the table.

The motion was agreed to nem. con.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, April 28. RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.] Lord Grenville presented a Petition from Bristol, praying that their lordships would not consent to a renewal of the exclusive privileges of the East India Company. The Petition was read by the clerk. Upon which

Lord Grenville said, that in rising to move that this Petition do lie on the table, he could not avoid recalling their lordships' attention to what took place on a former evening respecting the intended discussion on the great national question to which the Petition referred. They were told it was intended to bring forward these discussions at an early ensuing period this session. They were all agreed that the question was not only of the greatest importance to the commercial interests of the country, but involved, at the same time, some of the highest interests on which the British legislature could be called upon to deliberate. This subject, great and extensive as it was, he held it would be utterly impossible, were they to confine themselves even to the commercial part of the question, to discuss in a fit and proper manner, such as its importance required, in what remained of the session. The subject was recommended to the attention of parliament from the throne at the beginning of the session. Four months had now elapsed without a moment of time being bestowed upon it: but now, when they were told the subject was very nearly ripe for consideration, their lordships were expected to remain in the same state of utter inactivity, with respect to it, waiting until they should receive lessons from the other House of Parliament on the subject, and until it was brought before them

The Earl of Buckinghamshire averred that his Majesty's government entertained the strongest desire and the most determined resolution, to propose nothing to parliament which they were satisfied in their own minds was, upon this great occasion, not conducive to the general interests of the country. His noble friend and the House were aware, it was a subject which involved such a collision of interests, that there could be no intention on the part of his Majesty's government to precipitate the discussion of the measure. With respect to the particular course of proceeding to be adopted, a variety of opinions might arise; but, with respect to those avowed by his noble friend on that head, he would beg to look to what was his own conduct on a similar occasion, while forming a part of the then government. He surely would not pretend to state that the subject was not equally important in the year 1793 as it now was. At that time, his noble friend discharged his duty in the manner he thought most advantageous for the purpose, when he pursued a course directly the reverse of what he now recommended. He was sure, if consistency were to be found in any individual, his noble friend could not object to the adoption of a similar course on the present occasion.

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