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from representing to the House the distress which they feel as a body, in a much severer degree than most of their fellow subjects, occasioned, as it appears to the Petitioners, by a perseverance in that system of commercial regulations known under the name of the British Orders in Council, adopted and pursued ever since the year 1807, and at the same time expressing to the House a doubt, which the Petitioners very sensibly feel, how those measures can tend to promote the national security, which, after so long a trial, produce nothing but ruin to the national commerce; and that their houses and warehouses are stored with goods prepared for foreign markets to which they have no access; when the ports of Europe were shut to our manufactures, they consoled themselves with the fruits of their trade to America, and since the interruptions that have happened to the extensive commerce previously carried on between that country and this, they have endeadeavoured to find markets for their goods elsewhere; but collectively their endeavours and their enterprizes prove vain and fruitless, large stocks of manufactured goods remain on hand, their capitals are locked up in commodities, for the sale of which the proper markets are shut against them, and their industry is paralized; and that the number of bankruptcies and insolvencies that have recently taken place in old commercial houses of well-established credit and extensive dealings, as well as those of lesser note, are the effect, and the evidence also, of the ruinous consequences of the British Orders in Council, for, until they were acted upon, the commercial Decrees of the French government were harmless to the Petitioners; if other evidence be needful, they appeal to the fact of the great reduction within the last four years in the number of master manufacturers in the said riding, a class of men whose active employment of a small capital, aided by their own personal skill and industry, has essentially contributed to raise and establish a competition, and a spirit of enterprize and exertion in the whole body of merchants and manufacturers which has so long secured the preference to British woollens in every foreign market, and that the distress and ruin of so many master manufacturers, added to the general stagnation of trade, have thrown out of employ great numbers of the labouring class of manufacturers, many of whom are thereby driven to seek

parochial relief, or to worse and more unjustifiable courses, and instead of contributing by their usual labours to the wealth of the nation, only multiply the heavy burdens and distresses to which those of the Petitioners are subjected who are not yet reduced to the same deplorable condition; and praying the House to take these facts into their most serious consideration, and adopt such measures, tending either to rescind or modify the aforesaid Orders in Council or otherwise, as the House in their wisdom shall deem best calculated to restore and preserve the trade of the United Kingdom, and in particular to open and establish our commerce with the whole continent of America."

Ordered to lie upon the table.

MOTION RESPECTING COLONEL M❜MAHON'S BEING APPOINTED PRIVATE SECRETARY ΤΟ THE PRINCE REGENT.] Mr. C. W. Wynn rose, pursuant to notice, to move for the production of the Appointment of colonel M'Mahon to the new office of Private Secretary to his royal highness the Prince Regent. When he first gave notice of his intention to make this motion, he little thought that he should have been called upon to go into the subject in detail. He had imagined, that it was as much a motion of course as that which he had a few minutes ago submitted to the House; but he now found that it was to be resisted; on what ground it was impossible for him to conceive. He should have thought, that this was a case, which of all others rendered it necessary that the subject should be regularly before the House, that it might receive a formal and deliberate consideration. The office was a new one: There was no precedent for it in the history of the public acts of this country. Such an office might, indeed, have privately existed for a few years back, from the necessity of the case; but in the constitutional history of this country there had never been any thing like it. Under these circumstances, when such an appointment had for the first time been publicly avowed, surely it was but just and reasonable that the House of Commons should have that appointment formally before them, that they might perform their duty in examining into the matter, and expressing their opinion whether it was fitting or not that such an office should exist. He never recollected that such a motion under such circumstances

secretary of this kind. When the house of Brunswick came to the throne,-when George the 1st came to this country, a stranger to our language, if at any time the appointment of such a secretary was reasonable, surely it was at that time: yet George the 1st had no such secretary. But it was hardly necessary to go farther back than the reign of his present Majesty. They all knew how he had attended to public business till the period of his unfortunate illness. He had probably

had been resisted. Nothing more was at present required than the production of the appointment in question. Was it becoming that this should be refused?-that they should be prevented from discussing a subject which most peculiarly called for attention in the regular and proper manner, because a minister chose to deny them the regular document? Yet certain it was, that notwithstanding the novelty of this appointment, the uncertainty as to its exact nature and duties, and the propriety of an examination into the matter by the House of Commons, they knew nothing more about it than what they learned from the Gazette, namely, "That Colonel McMahon had been appointed private secretary to his royal highness the Prince Regent" and what they heard from the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, namely, "That the duties of the office in question were those of a private secretary." From a suggestion across the table, he understood it was to be said, that no regular appointment to this office had been made out, that there was nothing but a Minute of Treasury for the payment of the salary. If that was really the case, it was an additional objection to the proceeding. If the office was to be constituted at all, it ought to be done in an open and public manner, that the country might at any rate have some person to whose responsibility they might look. Here, again, he might be met with the appointment of colonel Taylor: but his answer was, that the appointment of colonel Taylor was only justified by the necessity of the case. This was an entirely different matter. It could not surely be pretended that the circumstances were at all similar. But what really was this office? What was the nature of the holder's situation? Was he to be a cabinet-minister,'or a mere clerk or amanuensis? From any information that had been given on the subject, he was totally at a loss to know which of them. But where was the use of such an appointment? Did the circumstances of the present times render it peculiarly necessary? Let the House only look at the history of the country. King William the third was the soul-the prime manager and mover of the confederacy existing in his reign for the preservation of the liberty of Europe. He, besides, sat in his own cabinet; scrutinized every department of the state; brought every transaction under his own eye; yet king William had no private

paid a more rigid attention to business than any of his predecessors. No appointment, however trifling, was made without taking his pleasure upon it. From the expiration of the American war to the commencement of the present one, he had acted not only as a king but as a commander in chief; his pleasure having been always previously taken by the secretary at war upon every commission granted in the army. From the situation which he once officially held, he knew that there were in the home department several notes of his Majesty, proving how much attention he had paid to the public business; every act and appointment having been submitted to him, not nominally, but really for the purpose of his exercising a judgment upon it. Yet, amidst all this multiplicity of business, no one had ever thought of appointing a secretary of this kind to his Majesty, till the unfortunate complaint which led to the appointment of colonel Taylor. At last, then came the appointment of colonel Taylor; and they had to consider whether that formed any precedent for the present office conferred upon colonel M'Mahon. the circumstances the same? Every one knew they were totally different. The appointment of colonel Taylor was the consequence of, and arose from the deprivation of sight to which his Majesty was subjected. He was so blind as not to be able to read the communications of his ministers. It became necessary to provide some remedy for this inconvenience, and the appointment in question had been consequently adopted, as the most expedient plan. But it never had been imagined that this office was to be made a precedent for others of the kind, under circumstances altogether different. If ever this could have been believed, the appointment of Col. Taylor would unquestionably have been more particularly noticed: and, indeed, when the appoint ment was known to have been made, and

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alluded to in that House, he recollected that there appeared to be a feeling on both sides, that since such an office had become necessary, it would have been better to have made it a public and responsible one. But this feeling was suppressed for the moment, from a regard to the wishes of his majesty, who was unwilling to expose his situation, and jealous of having his infirmity brought too much under the public eye. For this reason many of those who thought the nature of the appointment ought to have been considered by parliament, refrained from urging the matter at that time; but if they had conceived that this could have been made any ground for the present appointment, they would probably have acted different ly. Where, he would again ask, was the necessity for this office? King William had no such secretary! King George the first had no such secretary! And-why had they not? Because the Secretary of State for the Home Department was the King's private secretary, and it was the business of the Secretary of State to wait on his Majesty, and take his pleasure with regard to the business of his situation. Such had been the usual course; such had been the course under his present Majesty, until the period of his malady; and even at that period, it would have been better if the Secretary of State had daily attended his Majesty, and taken his pleasure on the business of his office, without the intervention of another person. Perhaps this plan would have been followed, had it not been for the dislike which his Majesty took to his London residence. Averse to remain in a situation where his infirmity would be more exposed to public view, he resolved to reside at Windsor; so that the office to which colonel Taylor had been appointed became absolutely necessary. There was no alternative between this and the stoppage of public business, unless a new secretary of state had been appointed. But where then, was the reason for the creation of this new office at the present moment, with a salary of 2,000l. a year? The right hon. gentleman opposite suggested that there was a great accumulation of business. But had it really accumulated so much within these few years as to require the creation of a new office, where no disability in his Royal Highness to execute that business was ever alleged? "Look at the number of commissions in the army," it was said: "consider what a labour it is ●ven to sign them." It might be so; but

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surely it was not intended that the private secretary should sign the Regent's name to these commissions. If the labour was really too burthensome, it might be lightened by an expedient which had at a former period been adopted. The sovereign. might execute a warrant empowering the commander in chief to sign as many commissions as were to appear in the Gazette on one occasion. This had, indeed, been recommended before to his present Majesty; but for the reasons before stated, the plan had been rejected. His Majesty had been averse to do any thing that might bring his infirmity more under the obser vation of the public than was absolutely indispensable. But where was now the reason against the adoption of this expedient? Where was the necessity for a private secretary to read to his Royal Highness the communications of his ministers? His Royal Highness resided in London,the ministers had an opportunity of daily consultation with him. There was no need for a private secretary to communicate the result of their deliberations and their advice. He was anxious to be distinctly informed, for it was a matter of no slight importance, whether it was really to be permitted, that the communications of the cabinet council to the sovereign should pass through any third person whatever. If this was the object, then it became more particularly the duty of the House to examine into the nature and design of this appointment, and the conse quences with which it was likely to be attended. He had no hesitation in saying, that it was a most unconstitutional proceeding, to allow the secrets of the council to pass through a third person; and he perhaps, no counsellor. (Hear, hear, from the Treasury bench.) He did not well know how to understand that cheering: it might perhaps be said, that colonel M Mahon was a privy counsellor, (hear, hear). Why, then, this only made the matter so much the worse. By his secretary's oath, supposing him a mere clerk, he would be bound faithfully to read the communications to his Royal Highness, and faithfully to write whatever his Royal Highness should command. But in his charac ter of privy counsellor, he was bound by his oath to give his advice upon what he read. He (Mr. Wynn) if he were in such a capacity should, in reading such communications, feel himself bound to give the best counsel he could upon the subject to which they referred. But was it really

pensate Col. McMahon for that of which he had been deprived in obedience to the sense of parliament? He would not enter into the nature of the services of Col. M'Mahon; it was doubtless proper that they should be rewarded, but were the places in the household of the Regent caught at with such rapacious greediness that nothing could be saved for a faithful servant? Would not the privy purse suffice, or if the salary were inadequate, could not the place of equerry be subjoined? If both together were not sufficient, surely other situations might have been disco

fitting that the cabinet ministers should | have their advice to their sovereign subject to the revision of his private secretary. If, indeed, it were acknowledged to be consistent with the constitution of this country, to have both an interior and exterior cabinet, he could understand why there should be a fourth secretary to carry the communications from one to the other. If it were constitutional for the sovereign to have both an open ministry and a private junta to carry on the government, such a secretary might be necessary to conduct the correspondence between these two bodies. If it were once allow-vered to fill up the measure of reward. ed to be regular for a general officer, returning from an important expedition, and retiring from a situation of great responsibility, to give in a private report to the sovereign with a request not to shew it to his open advisers, then, indeed, there must be a private secretary of this kind. If it was regular that the high offices of the household should be hawked about, by the menial servants and attendants of the crown -as it was possible they might be on some occasions then he could conceive the use of such an office as this; though, even then, he was satisfied there ought to be a regular and formal appointment, that the officer might be responsible. This was a most important view of the subject, and one which deserved the most serious attention of the House.

If the time at which the advisers of the crown had chosen to recommend this illegal step were contemplated, it would be found equally obnoxious. He would not now enlarge on the present distresses of the country, (on which nearly all could speak with feeling, because nearly all felt,) not because he feared the imputation that he was attempting to excite discontent, but because it was not called for. He despised popular clamour as much as any man, but he entertained great respect for public opinion, and public opinion declared that at this period, least of all, should any addition be made to the vast expenditure of the country. Colonel M'Mahon in the first instance, was named to an office, the abolition of which, a Committee of the House had strongly recommended, and when parliament decided that he should not retain it, the ingenuity of government had been directed to discover a new office, at least objectionable in the next degree. What would the public say of this but that a determination was evinced to create a place in order to com(VOL. XXII.)

He was quite at a loss to imagine, on what
solitary ground this appointment was rest-
ed, since it was neither authorized by the
constitution, nor justified by necessity.
The Prince Regent, with all the active vi-
gour of youth, and with none of the in-
firmities of his father, could require no
such assistance as ministers seemed anxi-
ous to force upon him. He would rather
have deferred these remarks until the
paper was laid upon the table, but since
his motion was to be resisted, he wished to
point out the danger that would be incur-
red in such an attempt. He concluded by
"That there be laid before the
moving,
House a copy of any Instrument, by which
the right hon. John McMahon has been
appointed Private Secretary to the Prince
Regent in the name and on the behalf of
his Majesty.

Also for a copy of any Minute of the Board of Treasury thereon, directing the payment of the salary attached to the same."

Lord Castlereagh said, that the hon. gentleman had raised this question to a degree of importance which could in no view belong to it. The hon. gentleman was not justified in describing the motion as one which it was the intention of ministers to resist, as his right hon. friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), had said, that he had no objection to the production of the document in question; but that the grounds on which those documents were sought for, formed the objection to their production. For, if the object of the motion was to ground an impeachment of the appointment upon them, without any view to the instrument under which it was made, further than the production of it, he should certainly resist it, as he conceived that appointment necessary, under the circumstances which gave rise to it. The mere minute of the Treasury which constituted the appointment could not be necessary (2)

pass through those of colonel M'Mahon? And yet no alarm existed on their account. It was unfounded then to represent this appointment as that of a fourth secretary of state; for it was merely furnishing his Royal Highness with the means of performing those duties, which he was unable to administer himself; and he begged the House to understand, that he considered this office only as an instrument for carrying on the business of the country; which brought him to the second part of his argument, whether this appointment was necessary to enable the person exercising the sovereign authority, to perform the functions of his high office; for he now supposed the appointment to be divested of all responsibility, for without that there would be nothing to justify it in the view of parliament. He was not much convinced of the solidity of that part of the hon. gentleman's argument which referred to the reigns of king William, and of kings George the 1st and 2nd, nor did he think that the House would see much analogy between those periods and the present. For his own part he was perfectly prepared to admit, in the face of the House, that he could not, by possibility, transact all the business attached to the

towards enabling the House to form any judgment on the propriety or impropriety of the appointment, but was moved for only to found upon it a charge of crimination on the office itself, and to persuade the House to take the necessary grounds against the continuance of it. As the hon. gentleman however, had thought fit to bring the question before the House, it behoved ministers to submit the grounds upon which they conceived the appointment stood with relation to the offices which they held under the crown. It was certainly the duty of the sovereign to take advice from the officers of the crown, for which advice they were entirely responsible; and he was perfectly prepared to concede the question, if there was any circumstance attached to the nature of this appointment, which detracted in the slightest degree from the responsibility of the ministers of the crown. If that case were made out by the hon. gentleman, it was enough, and he should withdraw all opposition. But the fact was, that the functions of this office had nothing in them which required responsibility; and he now declared to the House, that colonel M'Mahon was incapable of receiving his Royal Highness's commands in the constitutional sense of the words, or of carry-office he held (and he was not disposed to ing them into effect-and that the individuals now exercising the functions of the ministers of the crown were alone responsible. With respect to the nature of the appointment, he conceived that a Treasury minute was as effectual as a patent or any other; and as to the oath of office as a privy counsellor being so extensive in its nature, as represented by the hon. gentleman, he was not prepared to argue that point, but he conceived it was a new species of objection, and if pushed to the full extent, this obligation would bind a privy counsellor to obtrude his advice, not only upon occasions which fell within the line of his duty, but on any casual knowledge of circumstances, however foreign from it. He next came to consider the nature of the appointment, which was precisely the same as that of any other private secretary, in any other office of the state, differing only in the rank of the personage under whom the office was held. Was there any more formal appointments of other private secretaries, and yet their functions were as important and as confidential? Was there any form of oath prescribed to any of those private secretaries, through whose hands the same papers passed, that would

neglect it), without some assistance. He was bound to attend that House from day day, and he would find it impossible to carry on the functions of his situation, if he were bound to have personal access to the sovereign every time that his orders were necessary to give effect to acts of state. But when the hon. gentleman talked of the reigns of William, and George the 1st and 2nd, the circumstances of the country were wholly different from the present. The army, at those periods, was a pigmy army, compared to that now existing; and the navy (though of a most respectable character) was of a different description altogether from the navy of the present day. The whole country was not armed as it now was, acting under commissions signed by the sovereign, and the whole sphere of business was more contracted. He could perfectly understand then that a sovereign in perfect possession of his health and faculties could discharge all the duties which were imposed on him by his office; and, besides, he believed the hon. gentleman would do him the justice to say, that ministers in those days were not in the habit of such constant attendance of parliament, night after night,

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