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cal, beg leave to approach the House, in the Queen's County, in Ireland, setting perfect confidence of its fixed determina- forth, tion to maintain unimpaired the Protestant constitution in Church and State; and that, reposing in full security on this confidence, the common council have not for some time past appeared as Petitioners before the House, notwithstanding the repeated demands of the Roman Catholics, but now, when it is publicly asserted that the Protestants of Ireland are favourable to such demands, and when every power of artifice and intimidation is employed to give colour to such assertion, the Petitioners should feel that they shrunk from their duty if they did not now declare, that in their opinion the concessions already made to the Roman Catholics are such as, if exercised with gratitude to the state, and for the tranquillity of the country, would be most amply sufficient to make the situation of the Roman Catholics happy under the present Protestant establishment; and praying the House to persevere in maintaining the constitution unimpaired in Church and State."

Ordered to lie upon the table.

of

"That the Petitioners beg leave respectfully, at this most important conjuncture, to solicit the favourable attention of the House to the peculiar condition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, under the severe penal laws now in force against them; and that, if they appear to the House to persevere with more than common earnestness in their humble solicitations for the abrogation of those laws, and for a free admission to the blessings and benefits of the civil constitution of their country, the Petitioners trust that their perseverance will be viewed rather as a proof of their just title to the liberty which they seek, and of their sincerity in its pursuit, than as the result of any sentiment hostile to the peace or true interests of this empire; and that the Petitioners should sincerely dread lest their silence might be construed by a faithful but feeling people as an indication of despair, and they would not lightly abandon the pursuit of a laudable and most important object, strengthened as they are by the concurring support their generous and enlightened fellow Sir John Newport.-I much regret, Sir, countrymen, as well as by the fullest apthat I did not enter the House a few mi- probation of their own conscientious feelnutes earlier, whilst the Petition just readings; they beg leave humbly to state to was under cognizance of the House, that I might have enabled this House, by a statement of circumstances which occurred in that very assembly of the corporation of Dublin which framed that Petition, duly to estimate its value, and that of the meeting whose sentiments it conveys. It was there proposed to grant the freedom of the city of Dublin to major O'Donoghoe, in consideration of the signal valour and ability which that gallant officer had displayed in the defence of Tariffa, against an infinitely superior French force. His eminent services in that defence were proved by his being entrusted with the dispatches, which bore testimony to his distinguished gallantry. The majority of that corporate assembly gave a decided negative to the freedom, which was expressly refused to major O'Donoghoe because he was a Roman Catholic!!! How striking is the display of loyal attachment to the constitution, in thus withholding from the brave defenders of their country their well-earned rewards!

PETITION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF QUEEN'S COUNTY.] Mr. Parnell present ed a Petition from the Roman Catholics of (VOL. XXII.)

the House, that they have publicly and solemnly taken every oath of fidelity and allegiance which the jealous caution of the legislature has, from time to time, imposed as tests of their political and moral principles; and, although, they are still set apart (how wounding to every senti ment of honour!) as if unworthy of credit in these their sworn declarations, they can appeal confidently to the sacrifices which they and their forefathers have long made, and which they still make (rather than violate conscience by taking oaths of a spiritual import contrary to their belief), as decisive proofs of their profound reverence for the sacred obligation of an oath; and that, by those awful tests, they have bound themselves, in the presence of the all-seeing Deity, whom all classes of Christians adore, to be faithful and bear true allegiance to their most gracious sovereign lord king George the 3rd, and him to defend, to the utmost of their power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever against his person, crown, or diguity; to use their utmost endeavours to disclose and make known to his Majesty and his heirs, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be (2 D)

403] HOUSE OF COMMONS,

formed against him or them, and faith-
fully to maintain, support, and defend, to
the utmost of their power, the succession
to the crown in his Majesty's family
against all persons whomsoever; and that,
by those oaths, they have renounced and
abjured obedience and allegiance unto
any other person claiming or pretending
a right to the crown of this realm; that
they have rejected, as unchristian and
impious to believe, the detestable doctrine,
that it is lawful in any ways to injure any
person or persons whomsoever, under pre-
tence of their being heretics, and also that
unchristian and impious principle, that no
faith is to be kept with heretics, that it is
no article of their faith; and they re-
nounce, reject, and abjure the opinion,
that princes, excommunicated by the
Pope and council, or by any authority
whatsoever, may be deposed or murdered
by their subjects or by any person what-
soever; that they do not believe that the
Pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince,
prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought
to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction,
power, superiority, or pre-eminence, within
this realm; that they firmly believe, that
no act, in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked,
can ever be justified or excused by or
under pretence or colour that it was done
for the good of the Church, or in obedience
to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever;
and that it is not an Article of the Catholic
Faith, neither are they thereby required
to believe or profess, that the Pope is infal-
lible, or that they are bound to any order,
in its own nature immoral, though the Pope
or any ecclesiastical power should issue or
direct such order, but that, on the con-
trary, they hold that it would be sinful in
them to pay any respect or obedience
thereto; and that they do not believe that
any sin whatsoever, committed by them,
can be forgiven at the mere will of any
Pope, or of any Priest, or of any person
or persons
whatsoever, but that any person
who receives absolution, without a sincere
sorrow for such sin, and a firm and sincere
resolution to avoid future guilt, and to
atone to God, so far from obtaining there-
by any remission of his sin, incurs the ad-
ditional guilt of violating a sacrament;
and, by the same solemn obligations, they
are bound and firmly pledged to defend,
to the utmost of their power, the settle-
ment and arrangement of property in Ire-
land, as established by the laws now in
being; that they have declared, disavow-
ed, and solemnly abjured, any intention to

subvert the present Church establishment,
for the purpose of substituting a Catholic
establishment in its stead; and that they
have solemnly sworn, that they will not
exercise any privilege, to which they are
or may become entitled, to disturb and
weaken the Protestant religion or Pro-
testant government in Ireland; and that
they can, with perfect truth, assure the
House, that the political and moral prin-
ciples asserted by these solemn and special
tests are not merely in unison with their
fixed principles, but expressly inculcated
by the religion which they profess; and
they do most humbly trust, that, as pro-
fessors of doctrines which permit such
tests to be taken, they shall appear to the
House to be entitled to the full enjoyment
of religious freedom, under the happy con-
stitution of these realms; and that fre-
quently has the legislature of Ireland
borne testimony to the uniform peaceable
demeanour of the Irish Roman Catholics,
to their acknowledged merits as good and
loyal subjects, to the wisdom and sound
policy of admitting them to all the bless-
ings of a free constitution, and of thus
binding together all classes of people by
mutual interest and mutual affection; and
that yet may they humbly represent to
the House, and they do so at this perilous
crisis, with sincere regret and deep solici-
tude, that the Roman Catholics of Ireland
still remain subject to severe and humi-
liating laws, rigidly enforced, universally
felt, and inflicting upon them divers inju-
rious and vexatious disabilities incapacities
privations and penalties, by reason of their
conscientious adherence to the religious
doctrines of their forefathers; and that,
for nearly the entire period of the last
twenty years, the progress of religious
freedom has been obstructed, and, whilst
other Christian nations have hastened to
unbind the fetters imposed upon religious
dissent, the Roman Catholics of Ireland
have remained unrelieved; and that the
laws, which unequivocally attest their in-
nocence and their merits, continue to load
them with the pains of guilt; their own
consciences, the voice of mankind, acquit
them of crime and offence; their Protes-
tant fellow citizens press forward, with
generous ardour and enlightened benevo-
lence, to testify their earnest wishes for
their relief; yet these penal laws, of which
they humbly complain, cherish the spirit
of hostility, and impede the cordial union
of the people, which is at all times so de-
sirable, and now so necessary; and that

these penal laws operate for no useful or meritorious purpose, affording no aid to the constitution in church or state; not attaching affection to either, they are efficient only for objects of disunion and disaffection; they separate the Protestant from the Catholic, and withdraw both from the public good; they irritate man against his fellow creature, alienate the subject from the state, and leave the Roman Catholic community but a precarious and imperfect protection, as the reward of fixed and unbroken allegiance; and that the Petitioners forbear to detail the numerous incapacities and inconveniences inflicted by those laws, directly or indirectly, upon the Roman Catholic community, or to dwell upon the humiliating and ignominious system of exclusion, reproach, and suspicion which they generate and keep alive; perhaps no other age or nation has ever witnessed severities more vexatious, or inflictions more taunting, than those which the Petitioners have long endured, and of which but too large a portion still remains; and that relief from these disabilities and penalties they have sought through every channel that has appeared to them to be legitimate and eligible; they have never consciously violated, or sought to violate, the known laws of the land, nor have they pursued their object in any other manner than such as has been usually adhered to, and apparently the best calculated to collect and communicate their united sentiments accurately, without tumult, and to obviate all pretext for asserting, that the Roman Catholic community at large were indifferent to the pursuit of their freedom; and they can affirm, with perfect sincerity, that they have no latent views to realize, no secret or sinister objects to attain; any such imputation must be effectually repelled, as they humbly conceive, by the consideration of their numbers, their property, and their known principles and character; and that their object is avowed and direct, earnest yet natural; it extends to an equal participation of the civil rights of the constitution of their country equally with their fellow subjects of all other religious persuasions; it extends no further; and that they would cheerfully concede the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty to all mankind; they ask no more for themselves; they seek not the possession of offices, but mere eligibility to office, in common with their fellow citizens; not power or ascendancy over any class of

people, but the bare permission to rise from their prostrate posture, and to stand erect in the empire; and that they have been taught that, according to the pure and practical principles of the British constitution, property is justly entitled to a proportionate share of power; and they humbly trust, that no reasonable apprehension can arise from that power which can only be obtained and exercised through the constitution; and they are sensible, and they do not regret, that this equality of civil rights, which alone they humbly sue for, will leave a fair practical ascendancy wheresoever property shall predominate; but, whilst they acknowledge the wholesomeness of this great principle, they cannot admit the necessity of the unqualified disfranchisement of any part of the people in a constitution like that of these realms; and that they are gratified by the reflection that the attainment of this their constitutional object will prove as conducive to the welfare and security of this great empire, as to the complete relief of the Roman Catholic community; that it will secure the quiet and concord of their country, animate all classes of the people in the common defence, and form the most stable protection against the dangers which heavily menace these islands; for the Petitioners most humbly presume to submit to the House, as their firm opinion, that an equal degree of enthusiasm cannot reasonably be expected from men, who feel themselves excluded from a fair participation of the blessings of a good constitution and government, as from those who fully partake of its advantages; that the enemies of this empire, who meditate its subjugation, found their best hope of success upon the effects of those penal laws, which, by depressing millions of the inhabitants of Ireland, may weaken their attachment to their country, and impair the means of its defence; and that the continued pressure of these laws in times of unexampled danger only spreads the general feeling of distrustful alarm, and augments the risks of common ruin; and that, to avert such evils, to preserve and promote the welfare and security of this empire, and to become thoroughly identified with their fellow subjects in interests and affection, are objects as precious in their eyes, upon every consideration of property, principle, and moral duty, as in those of any other description of the inhabitants of these realms; and that, if, in thus humbly submitting their depressed condition, and their earnest

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conduct ought certainly to be investigated, as through his means the clerks had been completely swindled out of their money. It was illiberal and unjust to talk of the consent of these clerks to the new arrangements. What could they do? Could they resign? Were they in a condition to contend or make bargains with government?

Sir C. Pole thought it inexpedient, in the present hardships of the times, to encourage any hopes of increase of salary which could not be realized. Other clerks might also be induced to come forward with similar applications.

make a motion respecting the Clerks in the Navy Office, who wished only to be put on the same footing as other clerks, and particularly with those in a similar department, the Navy Pay Office. Some of these men had been 25 or 30 years in office, without any increase of emolument; and of late years, under pretence of economy, an economy of which, in the present instance, he could not approve their salaries were considerably diminished. Some of these clerks laboured under peculiar hardships, as they had purchased their places. Lord Barham, the late comptroller, had received their money, of which, as the emoluments had so considerably decreased, they were, in fact, cheated and swindled. He should move therefore, for an account of the number of clerks in the Navy-office, specifying their salaries, periods of service, and their respective emoluments. Also for a copy of the letters of the Navy Board, and of the Clerks' Memorial respecting an increase of wages, the subsequent letters relating to this subject, and the Prince Regent's order thereon.

Mr. Bennet seconded the motion. Mr. Yorke said, that it was not usual to accede to such motions as the present, unless some strong ground was shewn to the House to induce them to take the matter into farther consideration. He thought that the hon. baronet had not made out a case sufficiently strong. As to the buying of places, and lord Barham's implication in such traffic, he did not know how it might have been; but nothing of that sort, he apprehended, could now happen, as the sale of a clerkship would subject the seller to a high responsibility. He could not allow the peculiar hardship insisted on by the hon. baronet, as the clerks had all consented to the present arrange

ment.

Sir F. Burdett said, that these clerks did not ask for privileges above others in similar situations; they wished only to be put on precisely the same footing. He could not conceive that this application would induce other clerks to lay their case before parliament, as the present was one of a peculiar nature. It was, in his mind, an additional motive for acceding to his proposition, that the conduct of lord Barham might be enquired into; especially as, from what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman, it appeared that such conduct was now properly stigmatised by the government. Lord Barham's

The House then divided-For the motion 15-Against it 62-Majority 47.

MOTION RESPECTING THE LICENCE TRADE.] The Hon. William Herbert, on rising to move for the production of certain papers connected with the trade now carried on under the Licence system, observed, that he had refrained from bringing the subject forward at an earlier period, only from a wish that his right hon. friend, the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty, should attend in his place on the discussion of a question in which, from the office he held, he must feel so deep an interest. He now wished that these papers should be laid before the House previous to that grave decision which they might expect soon to be called on to make with respect to the numerous petitions against the Orders in Council.-He had communicated his intention to submit this motion to the right hon. gentleman opposite, who desired to consult with the Judge of the Court of Admiralty before he answered as to the objections which he might have to make to the motion. After consulting with that right hon. and learned gentleman, the right hon. gentleman had acquainted him with the necessity which he felt of opposing the production of these papers. He should have imagined, therefore, that his right hon. friend, the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty, would have deemed it necessary on this occasion to attend, and inform the House on what general grounds it was, that he was averse to produce documents, without which it was impossible to have an accurate knowledge of the frauds, the perjuries and forgeries with which the Licence trade was carried on. The speech of the right hon. the Vice President of the Board of Trade, when the Orders in Council were lately under consideration, had filled him with great anxiety, which he had shewn per•

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