1 already had sufficient experience, what a miserable thing it is for the king to be jealous of his people, or the people of their prince? Can it be imagined that there can be a popish king in this nation, without occasioning a constant noise of Plots and Popery, and that such reports, grounded on the king's inclinations, will not occasion such a fermentation in the people, as will end in misery? Or, if it should prove otherwise, that by such arts as may probably then be set on foot, the people should be lulled into a security? Can we think that the Papists, who have been so many ages at work for the opportunity, should not take advantage of that security, to fetter us with their popish bondage? We may as well think that they will all then turn Protestants, or be true to the Protestant Interest. No, sir, their great design of having a Popish Successor was in order to bring in Popery. And we may conclude, they will heartily and earnestly pursue it, whenever they shall have a popish king. And therefore, I think, it will never become the prudence of this house, to desist from endeavouring to get the Exclusion-Bill, which is the only remedy that can be in this case, that we may have a right to defend ourselves and our religion against a Popish Successor, without which, this nation will be in time ruined. but by his means? And how this altogether makes an interest, may easily be immagined. Sir, I do not mention these things without regret; for I know my distance, and have a great veneration for the nobility of this land; and I know the lords have their freedom of voting, and that there are many sit in the lords house, who have all the qualifications necessary for that great station. But to see a Bill of this importance treated so contrary to the usual course of parliament, it is necessary that we should a little consider what may be the cause, in order to regulate our proceedings for the future: for if nothing must go in that house against the duke, I think the Protestant Religion is like to have little security from acts. If the duke had ever consulted the books writ by his grandfather or father, or their Declarations in matters of Religion, he would never have brought these difficulties upon his king and country. It is strange he should aim to get Heaven, by proceedings so contrary_to what his father attested with his blood. But though he hath neglected to consult his interest, I hope we shall not neglect to consult ours, in pursuing this Bill, seeing there is no other remedy: though I am afraid it is a great work, and may break many parliaments, because it is so like to destroy all the Papists Sir F. Winnington. Sir, I have considered hopes of establishing their religion. However, this Message with that duty and respect II will not fear but, God granting the king ought; it doth so agree with all others which life, it may be obtained at last; unless the his maj. hath been pleased to send to this par- project now a-foot, of representing parliaments liament, that I do believe that all proceed as dangerous and useless, should prevent the from the same council, and that our endea- meeting of any more: for even the old Band vours to prevail with his majesty, in that par- of Pensioners could slip their collars, when ticular of changing councils, hath hitherto had Popery came bare-faced before them. It is no effect. The king is pleased to say, that he not to be admired, that, seeing the Jesuits have is confirmed in his opinion as to the Bill, by been 100 years at work to rivet their interest, the house of lords having rejected it; I admire by getting a prince of their religion, they should how the king should know it in a parliamentary struggle hard to preserve it, that so they may way, so as to intimate so much to this house. have those blessed effects they expect from it, Probably he might be present, as he hath ge- which the succession-Bill only can prevent, nerally been, ever since my lord Clifford had But it is strange, that, after such discoveries so great a share in the management of the of the Plot here and in Ireland. and the ceraffairs of this kingdom. And how things have tainty of our irrecoverable danger upon the gone there since, we all know. I do not doubt king's death, that so many Protestants should but his maj. takes that unparalleled trouble of be deluded by that party, and rather be led by attending there daily, chiefly for the good of artificial falsehoods, to their own destruction, the Protestant religion; but I cannot but ob- than by naked truth, to join in that which serve, that it hath had little success. For, only can save them. For Protestants to ridithings, however, have gone with so much diffi- cule the Plot, and disparage the Witnesses, culty against the popish party, that it may be though their evidence is so confirmed, that a a question, whether his royal presence, or the man may as well believe that bread may be influence of a Popish Successor were strong-made flesh by transubstantiation, as that the est. The Bill for Papists taking the Test, though accompanied with a great sum of money, passed with much difficulty, and so that for excluding the lords, and not without an exception as to his royal highness: and therefore we have no great reason to admire, that this about the Succession should be thrown out and how can we expect it should be otherwise, as long as so many who sit there are in the possession of great places by the duke's means; and so many others who would come into great places, which cannot be had | danger of our religion is not true, is as strange as to believe, that let the Papists carry on what Plots they will for the future, there will be ever any more discoveries made: but if there should, I am sure the witnesses will deserve the censure of being mad (as was passed on him that owned the burning of London) considering how those have been rewarded. It is plain to me, that, as the king was under great difficulties, arising from the solicitations and advices of private cabals, when he put out his Declaration in April 1679, so he is now, and that it will never be otherwise, until he | rity of our Religion, if a Papist should come take up the same Resolution again of following the Advice of his privy-council, and great council the parliament: till when, I. expect no alteration of our affairs. Sir L. Jenkins. Sir, I have hearkened with great attention to the debates you have had about this matter; and it is plain to me, that there can be no such thing as demonstration in this case, because this Exclusion Act, if obtained, may be liable to many objections, and probably not secure us. Why then, should we be so bent upon it, seeing the great difficulties of obtaining it are so visible? For my part, I think if it should pass, it would be void of itself, and be of no force at all: for which reason, and because we are not like to get it, it is strange to me, that no arguments will prevail to aim at some other things, that so we may get something, which must be better than to have this parliament be broken, for want of our taking what we may get. For supposing the worst, that we should not get any thing, that should be sufficient to prevent the duke's coming to the crown, yet we may get such laws as may be sufficient to secure our Religion, though he should come to it. And would it not be much better, to spend our time in making laws which may tend to that purpose, which we have reason to believe will be granted, than to spend our time in pursuing that we are not like to get? Some good laws added to what we have, and the number of people which we have in this nation Protestants, would in my opinion be an impregnable fence against Popery. And it is no such strange thing to have a prince of one religion and people of another. The late duke of Hanover was a Papist, yet lived in peace with his people, though Lutherans. The king of France, notwithstanding his greatness, permits a great proportion of his people to be Huguenots, aud lives in peace with them. And seeing there is a great probability that we may do so too, and that we may have what laws we will, to secure our religion to us in such a case, why should we engage ourselves farther for the getting of an act, which the king and lords have both declared against, and will never be consented to by the king, as we may reasonably believe, because he hath often declared, that he thinks it an unlawful act, and that it is against his conscience? to the crown, which we may get; and not in contriving laws to keep him from the crown, which we are not like to have. If this be not in plain English, the sense of his discourse, I a willing to be corrected. But, sir, if it be, I do admire upon what foundation the first argument is grounded; I mean, that relating to the unlawfulness and invalidity of the Exclusion Bill. Was there ever any government in this world, that had not an unlimited power lodged somewhere? Or can it be possible that any government should stand, without such a power? And why such a power should not be allowed here, which is so essential for the support of the government, I think can only be in order (if I may say it without reflection) to have this government fall; and I am afraid even at this time, by this very business we are now debating. For it must be the consequence, of denying that the legislative power of the nation, king, lords, and commons, are not able to make the laws to prevent it. But as this opinion is strange, so are the politics drawn from the duke of Hanover, and king of France, to induce us to be willing to have a Popish king come to reign over us; when neither of the said examples come home to our case: but if they should, why must we be so willing to have a Popish king to govern us, as that we should be rather led by examples fetched so far from abroad, than by the miserable examples we had here in queen Mary's days; and by the undeniable arguments and reasons that have been offered to make out, that a Popish king will endeavour to bring in a Popish religion? And notwithstanding the example brought from France, I am afraid the French king is bound to assist the duke's interest therein; or otherways may be said of us, what the devil could not say of Job, that we have served him for nought, contrary to the true interest of England, these many years. But by these arguments, and all the king's Speeches and Messages, I plainly see, that this hon, member is in the right in one thing; that we struggle in vain to get any Act, that shall signify any thing to prevent the duke's coming to the crown: but that if you will aim at laws to secure your Religion after his coming to the crown, you may probably obtain them. If this be not plainly said, I think it is plainly inferred; for are not all his majesty's Speeches Col. Titus. Sir; the great character this and Messages with an absolute probibition as hon. member bears, the great employments he to any thing against the Succession? And I hath been in under his maj. abroad, as well as suppose will be as much understood against his education in the laws of this nation, do your Association Bill, or any other that tends justly challenge, that what he saith, should be to that purpose: and you may be sure, that well weighed and considered, before any man when you come with any such, if so contrived should offer to contradict it. He is pleased to as to signify any thing, that the same opposisay, that this Act would be unlawful and in- tion shall be made to them as to the Exclusion valid, if it should be obtained: and therefore, Bill. For it is plain to me, that the king's ofbecause we are not like to obtain it, and be-fering to concur in any laws you shall propose cause the duke of Hanover, though a Papist, lived in peace with Lutherans, and the king of France with Huguenots, that we had better spend our time in contriving laws for the secu for the securing of your Religion, compared with the other limitations, can only be so understood; which is a fair denial of all laws against Popery, at least those that advise it I Which 3. believe do so intend it for all laws against | and glory, and his people without such Fears Popery, if once you have a Popish king, will and Jealousies as now disturb them. signify nothing; the strongest that can be cannot he, without the Exclusion Bill. made would easily be defeated, so as to be of no use to us. Suppose we should propose a law to put a great power in parliaments, I mean in both houses, that so we may have the lords spiritual, and jure divino of our side; yet it is to me very plain, that a Popish king would be able, either to prevent the meeting of such parliaments, or by awing or influencing of them when met, or by setting up a stronger power than the parliament, or a better jure divino, by means of the Popish clergy, than ours, easily make all such acts signify nothing. I have heard, that a wise king hath oftentimes made wise counsellors, and that wise counsellors sometime make wise kings, but it must be when their interest may bind them to take their advice; which in this case would happen otherwise for the parliaments, in such a case, must have some such power reposed in them, as would render them suspected of being competitors for the sovereignty; and that would make the prince justly jealous of them, and soon end in such a breach as would endanger the government. Or to prevent this, the power must be settled so strong in the parliament, as to over-balance the king's; which ought not to be, because it would endanger monarchy. If a man were desperately sick of some disease only curable by one remedy, and that should be denied him, what should he do, but send for his confessor, and prepare for death? And so I think must we. And yet I cannot admire at this Message of his majesty, but rather, considering whose advice he takes, should have admired if he had sent any other. I hope we shall be as wise as the Frogs, who when Jupiter gave them a stork for their king, did not appear well pleased therewith: to accept of Expedients to secure the Protestant Religion, after such a king hath mounted the throne, would be as strange as if there were a Lion in the Lobby, and we should vote, That we would rather secure ourselves by letting him in and chaining him, than by keeping him out. This nation hath formerly had some repute for wisdom and prudence, and done much, as well in making of good laws, as in keeping them. Pray, sir, let us not at one blow, or by one omission, destroy all those laws, which our forefathers obtained with so much industry: I hope the king will in time see who are his best counsellors, we that aim at the preservation of the present government in Church and State, or those private cabals which aim at alterations; and that he will hearken to us ere long that so he may live with more content * In the First Volume of Dodsley's Collection, there is the following pretty versification of this remark: "I hear a Lion in the Lobby roar; Mr. L. Gower. Sir, I cannot but observe, that most of the arguments used against this Bill are the same which Coleman made the grounds of his Declaration, that so, if possible, he might have pre-possessed the people against the fear of Popery or a Popish Successor. 1. He saith, that the pretences which that parliament made of the Protestant Religion being in danger of Popery was without cause, because there was no disturbance given by any of that community. 2. That the parliament's bold endeavours, to have restrained the Succession of the Crown to certain qualifications, would have made the crown elective. That therein they would have out-done the Popish doctrine, that heresy incapacitates kings to reign; which was a new way of securing religion by destroying it. 4. That the good Church of England had taught their people to be obedient to their prince, let his religion or deportment be what it will. Also I find, that the same endeavours which are now used to foment Fears and Jealousies in the people, as to 1641, the Danger of the Church and Government, and of parliaments, are but copied out of that Declaration. He there declares that the parliament was dissolved, because they had designs to blemish the good Protestant Church, and to prevent the sowing mischievous tares in the wholesome field of the church of England, and to preserve the unspotted spouse of our blessed Saviour, from the ill effect of some designs that were like to be introduced by parliament. I will not make any annotations upon this which I have repeated, but by it I conclude, that the papists are very willing we should imbibe these opinions, and that therefore they may probably conduce to the carrying on of their designs. But, sir, though by God's providence we had all these discoveries, yet I see no probability of obtaining any security against this party. I am of opinion that the king's Speeches and Messages are plain against making of any laws to prevent the duke's coming to the crown, and can only be understood in favour of laws that may tend to securing the Protestant Religion under a Popish king; which I think, none can do, unless such laws, as will endanger monarchy itself; which will not be fit for this house to propose, or the king to grant. For without securing the militia, and commands of fleets and armies, the nomination of privy counsellors, great officers of state, judges, justices, sheriffs, as well as the nomination of bishops, and preferments of the clergy, in the power of some society of men, it will be impossible to secure our religion against that omnipotency which accompanies a crown, if the prince that wears it be resolved to assist this powerful faction. Therefore, sir, we must either give up our religion as lost, or obtain this Bill in order to it. Sir Rob. Howard. Sir, it is impossible we should remove the imminent dangers impendent on this nation, unless we can prevail with the king to forbear taking Advice with private cabals; and instead thereof, to be advised by his privy council, and parliaments. This indeed is the great dispute that is now afoot; and unless we can prevail herein, all that we are about signifies nothing. And therefore, I think, we may do well to be plain in this with the king; and as we must not be afraid of giving him such advice as is for his advantage, so neither of giving him assurances of our readiness to supply him with Money, and what else he may need, that so he may know we are as willing to trust him, as we are desirous he should be to trust us. For unless there can be a mutual confidence created between the king and his people, that so they may freely, heartily, and without any suspicion trust one the other, it is impossible that this nation can ever be happy, but must either languish, as if it were in a consumption, or strike into a fever. The king being a Protestant, and for the Protestant religion, the duke being a Papist, and for the Popish religion, are interests irreconcileable, and have already given a great deal of care and trouble to the king. And I am afraid, that those who promote the duke's interest, are more for the advantage of a Popish Successor, than of the present Protestant king. Which mischiefs can never be removed as long as there is such a Successor. earl of Clarendon, Lewis earl of Feversham, Laurence Hyde, and Edw. Seymour, esquires, from his majesty's Presence and Councils for ever." Resolutions against such as shall lend Money to the Crown.] After which, the house entered into a debate of the great Charge the kingdom was at, by Interest and advance Money paid to Goldsmiths and others. And after many arguments, making out, that by Parliaments the king might be supplied, as well with the love of his people, as with Money for the necessary support of the government, and other occasions; and that this parliament had by several Addresses declared themselves ready to do it, upon passing of such Bills as were precisely necessary for the Security of the Protestant Religion, and that all other ways of supplying the king's occasions, but what were granted in parliament, did not only tend to the keeping off Parliaments, and to the exhausting of the public treasury, by contracting debts, but were of dangerous consequence to the king and kingdom, because the government might be undermined thereby. It was resolved, 1. "That whoever shall hereafter lend or cause to be lent, by way of advance, any Money upon the branches of the king's Revenue arising by Custom, Excise, or Hearth-Money, shall be judged a hinderer of the sitting of parliaments, and be responsible for the same in parliament. 2. That whosoever shall accept or buy any Tally, or Anticipation upon any part of the king's Revenue; or whoever shall pay such Tally hereafter to be struck, shall be adjudged to hinder the sitting of parliaments, and be responsible therefore in parliament." Resolutions against the Duke of York, and Others.] Resolved, "That it is the opinion of this house, that there is no security nor safety for the Protestant Religion, the king's Life, or government of this nation, without passing a Bill, for disabling James duke of York to in- Resolutions against a Prorogation, &c.] Jan. herit the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and 10. Resolved, "That whoever advised his Dominions, and Territories thereunto belong- majesty to prorogue this Parliament, to no other ing; and to rely upon any other Means and purpose than to prevent the passing a Bill for Remedies without such a Bill, is not only in the Exclusion of James duke of York, is a sufficient, but dangerous. 2. That his majesty, Betrayer of the king, the Protestant Religion, in his last Message, having assured this house and of the kingdom of England; a Promoter of his readiness to concur in all other means of the French Interest, and a Pensioner to for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, France. 2. That the Thanks of this house be this house doth declare, that until a Bill be given to the City of London, for their manifest likewise passed for excluding the duke of York, loyalty to the king, their care, charge and vigithis house cannot give any Supply to his ma- lancy for the preservation of his majesty's Perjesty; without danger to his majesty's person, son, and of the Protestant Religion. 3. That extreme hazard of the Protestant Religion, and the Commissioners of the Customs and other unfaithfulness to those by whom this house is officers of the Custom-House, have wilfully entrusted. 3. That all persons who advised broken the law prohibiting the Importation of his majesty, in his last Message, to persist in French Wines, and other commodities: and his opinion against the Bill for excluding the that if they shall hereafter, wilfully or negduke of York, have given pernicious counsels ligently, break that law, they shall be questo his majesty, and are promoters of Popery, tioned therefore in parliament. 4. That it is the and enemies to the king and kingdom. 4. opinion of this house, that James duke of MonThat George earl of Halifax is one of the per-mouth hath been removed from his offices and sons who advised his majesty, in his last Message to this house, to insist upon an opinion against the Bill for excluding the duke, and that he therein has given pernicious counsel to his majesty, and is a promoter of Popery, and an enemy to the king and kingdom. 5. That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to remove Henry marq. of Worcester, Henry commands, by the influence of the duke of York. 5. That an humble application be made to his maj, by this house, by such members thereof as are of his majesty's most hon. privy council, to restore the said James duke of Monmouth to his offices and commands. 6. That it is the opinion of this house, that the Presentation of the Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws is at this time grievous to the | esq. and certain members of the court of alsubject, and a weakening to the Protestant Interest, and an encouragement to Popery, and dangerous to the peace of this kingdom." The Parliament dissolved.] The same day the king came to the house of peers, and prorogued the parliament to the 20th of Jan.; but dissolved it on the 18th, leaving 22 bills depending, and eight more that were ordered to be brought in, but never came to be debated.* dermen, and common-council. But this farther provoked the king, and hastened his resolution of finally parting with his parliament. Accordingly, two days before the time of their meeting, he by Proclamation dissolved the present parliament: and in the same Proclamation, he declared his intention of calling another parliament to meet on the 21st of March next. But, being offended at the city of London, and hoping to meet with better PRINCIPAL OCCURRENCES AFTER THE DIS- success by a removal, he appointed Oxford to SOLUTION LONDON PETITION-LONDON be the place of their meeting, where he had forINSTRUCTIONS TO THEIR MEMBERS- merly, in the year 1665, found the most imaPETITION AGAINST SITTING AT OXFORD.] ginable harmony in and between both houses. The prorogation being attended with some -When the elections came on, the temper of very extraordinary consequences, we cannot the nation was soon discovered by their choice; avoid laying some of the principal before both parties were extremely busy; and the our readers, as the most proper introduction city of London set the first example to the rest to the meeting of the next. On the 13th of the kingdom by returning their old members of January, the lord-mayor of London, sir Clayton, Player, Pilkington, and Love; to Patience Ward, with a court of common- whom, as soon as the election was over, an excouncil, ordered a Petition to be drawn up, traordinary Paper was presented in the name and presented to the king, setting forth, of the citizens of London then assembled in "That whereas the parliament had convicted common-hall, containing," A return of their one of the five Popish lords in the Tower, most hearty Thanks for their faithful and unand were about to convict the other four wearied endeavours, in the two last parliaof high-treason; that they had impeached the ments, to search into and discover the depth of chief justice Scroggs, and were about to im- the Popish Plot, to preserve his majesty's royal peach other judges; and all this in order to person, the protestant religion, and the wellthe preservation of his majesty's Life, the Pro- tablished government of this realm, to secure testant religion, and the government of Eng- the meeting and sitting of frequent Parliaments, land that they were extremely surprized to to assert our undoubted rights of petitioning, see the parliament prorogued in the height of and to punish such as have betrayed those their business that their only hopes were, rights, to promote the long wished-for union of that this was done only in order to bring such his majesty's protestant subjects, to repeal the affairs about again as were necessary to the 35th of Eliz. and the Corporation-act; and settling the nation. They therefore prayed, more especially for their assiduous endeavours that his maj. would be pleased to let the parlia-in promoting the Bill of Exclusion of James ment sit at the day appointed, and so continue duke of York." In fine, they concluded, till they had effected all the great affairs before" That being confidently assured, that they, them." To this effect was the Petition, which was further ordered to be delivered that night, or as soon as might be, by the lord-mayor, attended by the new recorder George Treby, : "Though the king came privately to the house this day, the commons had a quarter of an hour's previous notice. In which short interval, in a loose and disorderly manner, they made a shift to pass the above extraordinary Resolves. They had not time to proceed any farther, if they had any farther matter to proceed upon. While the last Vote was yet passing, the usher of the black-rod came to the door, and ordered their attendance on his majesty. Those who are pleased to assume the venerable title of Patriots, have given large scope to their resentments against the king for this anti-constitutional proceeding; and those who value themselves as much on the glory of being Loyalists, have shed their gall as freely on the commons for their licentious Votes; and it may serve as a general key to the modern History of England, That parties have never so good a title to be believed, as when they expose each other.'" Ralph. the said Members for the City, will never consent to the granting any Money-Supply, till they have effectually secured them against Popery and Arbitrary Power, they resolved, by God's assistance, to stand by their said members, with their lives and fortunes." In the like manner were the former members of parliament again chosen, in most places in the kingdom; and in many, such like Papers of Addresses were presented to them, in their respective countries, as had been done to their members by the commonalty of London. And the zeal was now so great, that, contrary to the custom of the members treating the country, now the country in most places treated them, or at least every man bore his own charges. The greatest uneasiness and disappointment to the prevailing party in the elections, was the place of their meeting, Oxford, the distance of which might naturally cause a diminution of their power and influence. Therefore it was resolved by several of the nobility to draw up a formal Petition against that place; which was early delivered to the king by the earl of Essex himself, who introduced it by this following Speech: "May it please your majesty. |