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Mr. Marvell. What passed was through great acquaintance and familiarity betwixt us. He neither gave him an affront, nor intended. him any. But the Speaker cast a severe reflection upon him yesterday, when he was out of the house, and he hopes that, as the Speaker keeps us in order, he will keep himself in order for the future.

Sir John Ernly. What the Speaker said yesterday, was in Marvell's vindication. If these two gentlemen are friends already, he would not make them friends, and would let the matter go no farther.

God gives us, we must trust him. Let us not, Debate on Mr. Andrew Marvell's striking in prevention of future things so remote, take Sir Philip Harcourt.] March 29. Mr. Marthat immoderate care in this bill. Sufficient vell, coming up the house to his place, stumbto the day is the evil thereof. Here is prick-ling at sir Philip Harcourt's foot, in recovering ing of bishops, as if pricking sheriffs. If the himself, seemed to give sir Philip a box on the king does not, they must. Here bishops make ear. The Speaker acquainting the house, bishops; (as inherent a right to the crown as That he saw a box on the ear given, and it any think possible.) He desires, that, during was his duty to inform the house of it,' this dethis king's reign, we may apply ourselves to bate ensued.* preserve the people in the Protestant Religion, not only in the profession of it, but that men may live up to it, in morality and virtue of religion, and then you establish men against the temptation of Popery, and a prince that may be popishly affected. If we do not practise upon ourselves, all these Oaths and Tests are of no use; they are but phantoms. The bill has a very good title, and a good intention, but nothing but the title is urged to be of the least validity. This puts him in mind of a private bill: you would not countenance the pretence of no people to make compact for themselves.' It is said, the bishops promoted not the bill, but they were under fear, in the lords house*.' Promotions make some men much better, and it is power that makes Popery: So great a power assembled upon such a body of men! The bill he spoke of, pretended, that the dean and chapter of Durham would have benefit by a ballast shore to be erected at Yarrow-Sleake, on Newcastle side. Says one, it will narrow the river.' Says another, it will widen it.' It was then said, that gentlemen love not to play tricks with navigation' much less should the nation play tricks with religion. But whether this bill will prevent Popery, or not, this will secure the promotions of the bishops; it will make them certain. He is not used to speak here, and therefore speaks with abruptness. Closes all with his motion that the bill may have the same fate others have moved for, not to be committed.'

Serj. Maynard. Nothing is more desirable than the end of this bill, but to the means to attain that end, he knows not how far he can consent, or whether at all. But he is not for desperate-remedies. He would not have any thing propounded prejudicial to the crown. He has some difficulties upon him, but would commit the bill.-The Bill was then committed, 127 to 88.†

This gentleman, in his Growth of Popery, expresses himself thus: "That the bishops were either the contrivers or promoters of this bill, is a scandalous falsehood, and devised by the authors to throw the odium off from themselves upon the clergy, and (the bills that aimed at the ruin of the Church of England having miscarried) to compass the same end by this defamation. A sufficient warning to the Clergy how to be intrigued with the statesmen for the future!"

"This notorious Bill,' as Marvell calls it, after being committed, died of neglect, the committee either disdaining, or not daring publicly, to enter upon it." Ralph.

Sir Job. Charlton is sorry a thing of this nature has happened, and no more sense of it. You in the Chair, and a stroke struck! Marvell deserves for his reflection on you, Mr. Speaker, to be called in question. You cannot do right to the house, unless you question it; and moves to have Marvell sent to the Tower. The Speaker. I saw a blow on one side, and a stroke on the other.

Sir Philip Harcourt. Marvell had some kind of a stumble, and mine was only a thrust; and the thing was accidental.

Sir H. Goodrick. The persons have declared the thing to be accidental, but if done in jest, not fit to be done here. He believes. it an accident, and hopes the house thinks so too.

Mr. Scc. Williamson. This does appear, that the action for that time was in some heat. He cannot excuse Marvell who made a very severe reflection on the Speaker, and since it is so enquired, whether you have done your duty, he would have Marvell withdraw, that you may consider of it.

Col. Sandys. Marvell has given you trouble, and instead of excusing himself, reflects upon the Speaker: a strange confidence, if not an impudence!

Mr. Marvell. Has so great a respect to the privilege, order, and decency, of the house, that he is content to be a sacrifice for it. As to the casualty that happened, he saw a seat empty, and going to sit in it, his friend put him by, in a jocular manner, and what he did was of the same nature. So much familiarity has ever been between them, that there was no heat in the thing. He is sorry he gave an offence to the house. He seldom speaks to the house, and if he commit an error, in the manner of his speech, being not so well tuned, he hopes it is not an offence. Whether out, or in the house, he has a respect to the Speaker. But he has been informed, that the

There is no mention of this in the Journal.

Speaker resumed something he had said, with reflection. He did not think fit to complain of Mr. Seymour to Mr. Speaker. He believes, that is not reflective. He desires to comport himself with all respect to the house. This passage with Harcourt was a perfect casualty, and if you think fit, he will withdraw, and sacrifice himself to the censure of the house.

Sir Henry Capel. The blow given Harcourt was with his hat; the Speaker cast his eye upon both of them, and both respected him. He would not aggravate the thing. Marvell submits, and he would have you leave the thing as it is.

Sir Robert Holmes saw the whole action. Marvell flung about three or four times with his hat, and then gave Harcourt a box on the

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The Speaker. Both Holmes and Capel are in the right. But Marvell struck Harcourt so home, that his fist, as well as his hat, hit him.

Sir R. Howard hopes the house will not have Harcourt say, he received a blow, when he has not. He thinks what has been said by them both sufficient.

Mr. Garroway hopes, that, by the debate, we shall not make the thing greater than it is. Would have them both reprimanded for it.

Mr. Sec. Williamson submits the honour of the house to the house. Would have them made friends, and give that necessary assurance to the house, and he, for his part, remains satisfied."

Sir Tho. Meres, By our long sitting together, we lose, by our familiarity and acquaintance, the decencies of the house. He has seen 500 in the house, and people very orderly; not so much as to read a letter, or set up a foot. One could scarce know any body in the house, but him that spoke. He would have the Speaker declare that order ought to be kept; but as to that gentleman (Marvell) to rest satisfied.

Address to the King concerning Alliances.] Sir John Trevor reported the Address to his majesty, which is as follows:

"We your majesty's most loyal subjects, the knights, citizens, and burgesses, in parliament assembled, do, with unspeakable joy and comfort,present our humble thanks to your majesty, for your majesty's gracious acceptance of our late Address, and that your maj. was pleased, in your princely wisdom, to express your concurrence in opinion with your two houses, in reference to the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands: and we do, with most earnest and repeated desires, implore your majesty, that you would be pleased to take timely care to prevent those dangers that may arise to these kingdoms, by the great power of the French king, and the progress he daily makes in those Netherlands, and other places: and

therefore that your maj. would not defer the entering into such Alliances as may attain those ends. And in case it shall happen that in pursuance of such alliances, your maj. shall be engaged in a war with the French king, we hold ourselves obliged, and do, with all bumility and chearfulness, assure your majesty, that your most loyal subjects shall always be ready, upon the signification thereof in parliament, fully, and from time to time, to assist your maj. with such Aids, and Supplies, as, by the divine assistance, may enable your majesty to prosecute the same with success. All which we do most humbly offer your majesty as the unanimous sense and desire of the whole nation."

Debate on the Address.] Sir John Ernly. You are already in Alliances defensive, and farther alliances must be war, and so you will expose yourselves to depredations of the French at sea, upon your merchant-ships, and give the French a million by putting the king upon this Address. He declares, that the king's entering into farther Alliances is a war.

Mr. Sec. Williamson. The question is, whether this addition of' farther Alliances' in this Address be a repetition, or to make the former address more effectual? the middle period of your paper is quite other matter, which was laid by, and set aside by the house. preserve the Netherlands from the growing power of France, and to enter into stricter Alliances for that purpose.' He begs leave only to observe that exception for a question, and to leave it out.

To

Sir Tho. Meres. This Address is not good sense if it has not reference to the former, and the king cannot but think of the former. We are told, That stricter Alliances import war;' but if any thing saves Flanders, it will be

stricter Alliances; and he doubts not but that the parliament having resolved it, it will be of weight. He will not say what alliances. the king should enter into, but doubts not but they will be good when made.

Mr. Vaughan. Is not our men going into France as much a declaration of war, as the motion of sending money into Germany? He would agree to the Address.

Mr. Powle expects no farther Answer from the king. The design of the house is to give the king thanks for what he thinks so. This goes no farther than the other Address, and extends not the thing at all. It is said, that this will incense the French king into a present war with us; but this only enables the king for a present war, if there shall be occasion. When the world knows that the king and his people are together, he is as formidable as any king; and he would agree to the Address.

Col. Birch was not at the drawing up of this address, and therefore it is not a brat of his own, to be fond of it. He takes the Address to be good. The king said, He agreed with the opinion of the house of commons,' and you thank the king for agreeing with your opinion, and you desire him not to defer entering into Alliances, &c.' It has been said, ' This puts.

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a force upon the king, presently to do it.' But this shows the opinion of the house, and their zeal in it. From time to time' we will stand by the king. He never saw, but when things came on unitedly, it was the likeliest way to be quiet. What has this great man on the other side of the water done? the jealousies he has sown between the king and his people have given him that confidence. It is said, That ships are not ready, and therefore such a declaration of the king, as we desire in the Address, is improper.' But he believes that the danger was as much for want of ships 18 months since, as now, when we would have given money for ships, and it was not accepted. Now, or never, is the time to let the king of France see, that breaches are made up between the king and his people.

The Address was agreed to by the house; the question for its being recommitted being carried in the negative, 131 to 122.

Debate on the Bill for preserving the Protestant Religion.] April 4. A Bill from the lords was read, entitled, An Act for preserving of the Protestant Religion, and the more effectual conviction and prosecution of Popish Recusants.'*

too:

Mr. Sacheverell. This bill from the lords is a toleration of Popery, and puts but 12d. a Sunday difference betwixt the best Protestant, and severest Papist. The lords sent us a Bill lately, wherein they thought fit to transfer the king's Supremacy into other hands;† to take it away, unless the king undergo a Test, &c. By this bill, the parliament may be chosen Papists, for the sheriffs and mayors may be so though Catholics may not, and are under an incapacity, yet another person, their deputy, may, who may set aside all but Romanists. It sets aside all the laws against Popery, but the Act for the Test; and any man may act three months without a test; and your work may be done in that time. The bill intends to put Protestant Recusants into a worse condition than the Popish: by express words in the bill, he is subject to all the penalties the Popish are. The laws have declared Priests and Jesuits dangerous to the government, and yet they shall not suffer death, &c. He fears not the danger of this bill, in this king's time, but, hereafter, one inclinable to Popery will not execute the Priests and Jesuits. This bill is a bare toleration of Popery, and he would throw it out. I

* “This bill, with a most plausible title, had a most pernicious tendency. It had an easy and undisputed passage through the house of lords, but from the commons it met with very different treatment." Ralph.

+ The Bill for educating the children of the Royal Family, &c. See p. 853.

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"No sooner was it read, than a Member rose up, and, in a short speech, unmasked it so effectually, that a second moved, that it might not only be thrown out, but with some particular mark of infamy.' The question be

Mr. Garroway is glad to see, that the zeal of the house will embrace nothing of this nature. We may, by it, see the influence of the Popish lords in their house. He rises to second the

motion.

Mr. Williams desires that the question upon the bill may not be put suddenly. He would see any gentleman, that will speak for the bill. Lord Obrien desires that something of the bill may be retained, which is the title of the bill only: something, as a mark, that you throw not out barely a Bill of Popery.'

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Sir Tho. Meres. If you throw out this bill, then read your own Bill of Popery: would observe, two years, and above, to pass most things in this bill. Your bill is firm, and strong, and good. These in the lords bill are slight, and good for nothing: to destroy all your laws against Popery, in one bill! What-. ever is good in this bill, is in yours; and this is to choak all you did good in that. Posterity will be fully satisfied of it.

Mr. Sec. Coventry would not, by too quick a severity, lay aside this bill. To throw this bill out, and immediately to send up your own to the lords, is not the way to have it pass; the Popish lords sitting in that house. He hopes that, in time, so great jealousies may pass over; but it is a great encouragement to the Catholics, for such a body to stand by them, and the king of France's provocation; therefore would not throw the bill out.

Sir Tho. Lee has reason to believe, that our sharp bill against Popery will be rejected by the lords, because we have rejected theirs of Toleration. Lord Clarendon's bill of banishment passed in two or three days, and yet was laid by, as this is moved to be. He fears that this may have the same fate, and would throw it out.

Sir John Mallet hopes gentlemen will not wonder, if his zeal against this bill be not equal to others, in throwing it out. This bill has a disarming the Recusants in it. He likes the clause of educating their children; but, as for repealing the Statute of Mortmain, he likes not that.

Sir Harbottle Grimstone. On the bill from the lords for establishing of Protestant Ministers in England, lately sent us down, when he differed from the lords judgment, he suspected his own. He believes gentlemen design mending this bill, to attain the end; but when it comes back, it will prove an unsavoury thing, stuck with a primrose. He would lay it aside. We are told of the danger that we may pass it in a thin house, as we did the Sale of the Fee-farm Rents.' It is not possible to be imagined, that a bill of this nature could come from the lords, to repeal all the laws against Popery. If our laws were executed, there

ing called for, a third demanded, That they would stay a while, to see whether there was any man to be found hardy enough to speak one word for it.' Which no man presumed to do." Ralph.

would not have been this growth of Popery; [ 3rd time, their own Bill for suppressing the and he fears the danger will be greater. As Growth of Popery; and sent it up to the lords for breeding the children of Papists,' we for their concurrence. have laws in force for that; they ought not to have the education of them; that is already provided for. He wishes a law would be sent us from the lords, that the good laws we have already may be put in execution. Is this the way to prevent Popery? We may as soon make a good fan out of a pig's tail, as a good bill out of this.

Sir John Hanmer. Our David against this Goliath; our bill against the lords bill. Ours will go up to the lords triumphant in throwing out this, and warm your party in the lords house.

The King's Message for an Adjournment.] April 11. Mr. Sec. Williamson delivered to the house the following Message from his majesty:

"C. R. His majesty, having considered your last Address, and finding some late alteration in the affairs abroad, thinks it necessary to put you in mind, that the only way to prevent the danger which may arise to these kingdoms, must be, by putting his majesty timely in condition to make such fitting preparations, as may enable him to do what may be most for the security of them. And if, for this reason, Sir Wm. Coventry will only say this one little you shall desire to sit any longer time, the thing, that the readiness of the house of com-king is content you adjourn now, before Easter, mous to throw a bill out, without debate, is not and meet again suddenly after, to ripen this usual: this bill being, seemingly, only to feel matter, and to perfect some of the most neces our pulse for a Toleration. He is not afraid sary Bills now depending." of the success of our bill with the lords. When the nation sees the zeal of this house against Popery, it will put courage into magistrates, to put the laws in execution. Would nor give it the countenance of a debate but throw it out.

Mr. Sacheverell would have something on our books, not only of the title of the Bill, but something that it meant a Toleration of Popery.

Sir Wm. Coventry. The bill has so good a title, that it would be a reflection upon us to cast it out, upon our books: but he would cause some entry to be made, That finding, upon reading the bill, that it repealed many laws against Popery, we have thrown it out.”

The Speaker proposes this to be upon your books, viz. That a bill coming from the lords, so entitled, was rejected at the first reading.' That is the ordinary way of entry. But if you please to let it be thus, viz. The house, upon reading and opening the bill, sent from the lords, entitled, &c. finding it much otherwise, have rejected it.'

Mr. Waller. If we enter it so, this will teach the lords to make notes upon our bills. If we do this, it will remain upon record. Would have you content yourselves with a nem. con. in throwing out the bill, and have it so entered.

Sir John Trevor. When we send such a bill up to the lords, he would have the lords do so by us.

Resolved, "That the Entry be made as the Speaker proposed, viz. Upon reading the said bill, and opening the substance thereof to the house, it appeared to be much different from the title; and thereupon the house, nem. con. rejected the same.*The house then read, the

"It was rejected, with this censure added in the Journal; Because the body of the Bill was contrary to the Title.' A method of proceeding so totally different from the stated rules of intercourse between the two houses, that nothing but the crimes of the bill could have rendered it excusable." Ralph.

Debate thereon.] Mr. Sec. Williamson. He said, 'adjourn;' but the king means, by short adjournments, to Oct. to have the parliament within call, upon emergencies.

Lord Cavendish. The king, in his Message, does signify an alteration in affairs;' but not what, nor what influence it has had, or change upon his council. When he does, we shall do what the king can desire of us, upon this occasion. Till then, we are not ripe for the

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Mr. Stockdale. To sit after Easter to ripen things; that is, in plain English, to grant Money.

Mr. Stanhope. It is not possible that any reasonable time can dispatch the bills depending before us; and the king may suffer, by the Commissioners not putting the act for the Tax in execution, by their stay here, and 500 of us being reduced to 140. It is not parliamentary, nor safe, to sit with so few; and he would move the king for a recess for some longer time.

Mr. Sec. Williamson knows not whether he did express himself clear enough. He said,

The king intended a recess by adjournment;' and though the king means not so as to sit till Oct. yet, by short adjournments, to meet as occasion should require.

Mr. Powle cannot concur with the motion, to meet again after Easter. The session already has been a great labour to us, and our occasions require our presence; and he desires to have no other meeting, for few will attend it, being gone into the country. On the other side, this Message from the king respects our Address, concerning the French king's Greatness. If the king has entered into Alliances, and if he declared them, he would assist the king to support them. As for the other bills, they may keep till Oct. by adjournment. He would not have the house make an Address to the king, as if we affect sitting. But he believes, if there be occasion for us to meet, men will be ready to come up, upon reasonable

summons.

Sir Tho. Lee. What with the writing, and the verbal Message delivered by sec. Williamson, it puts him to a stand. If there be a necessity for taking arms immediately, then there may be a proclamation to call up your members. He would have the Message farther explained.

Col. Birch cannot make the Messages agree with one another. He remembers our Address; and, to be clear, would have this Message, by word of mouth by the secretary, entered, with that on paper, into our books, as an explanation of it. Adjournment must be with a house; and the Message says, we are to do no business. If it be cleared, that no business is to be done, then we may sit more quietly at home.

Sir John Ernly. There was not an apprehension of the loss of Flanders, till this repulse❘ of the prince of Orange at the battle of Montcassel. Reparation now will not be seasonably asked. The king has neither stores, nor money, nor ships: 20 or 30 privateers may easily burn all our ships, and master the Channel.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. The Message does not speak to press you to any thing; but it lays before you the king's condition, and that he will take his measures according to the proportion that you will help him. Your Address is, That you will stand by him in such Alliances as he shall make, &c.' But what if the king make alliances with one hand, and offend with the other, and be not provided with defence! a man would have his servant go a journey, but will not have him engage in it, till he be provided with boots and horses, &c. Make what use of it you please.

Sir Edm. Jennings would request from the king an adjournment, for some short time, to perfect the bills depending; that the world may not say, we have passed the Money-Bills, and no more. He would have something entered on the Journal, that there may be nothing reflecting upon us, as passing Money-Bills, and

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Mr. Sec. Coventry. Would it be wisdom in the king to tell you what journey he would go, or that he would go a journey, without being provided for it?

Mr. Boscawen would not have us address the king to meet soon again, upon account of the bills. It seems, it is not a fit time, or place, to tell you if any thing be done, as to your Address, here. If the king intends to give an Answer to the Address, then we may meet, but not as to the Bills; and he would address the king accordingly.

Sir Philip Warwick. It is the king's great wisdom, that he gives you no more light, in his Answer to your Address. It looks like a night-piece, under that shade which is fitting for it. If we will give no Supplies, till the king VOL. IV.

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make such engagements, &c. we put him hardships; and if we vote farther engagements to supply him, he knows not how the country will take it.

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Sir Henry Capel. When the king sends us word that there is an Alteration of affairs,' he would take some notice of it in our books, with some Resolution upon it. He would pass a vote, That, because the king is convinced, by the defeat of the prince of Orange, that he should make Alliances, &c.' And therefore this Vote is pursuant to our former Addresses. Sir Henry Ford knows not what farther security we can give the king, in this case, than we have done. He would address, That we humbly accept of the king's intimation of a short Adjournment.' For our preservation, if our house was on fire, we would give some, to save all.

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Sir John Hotham knows it his duty never to suspect the king; but has reason to suspect elsewhere. The Address before was, 'That we hold ourselves obliged in prosecuting such Alliances, &c. to assist the king.' If gentlemen would speak clear out, neither his estate nor person should be spared, whilst he has a drop of blood, or a penny in his purse, to support them.

Mr. Scc. Coventry. The king doubts not the constancy of this house. The king of Spain has good Alliances. The Hollander is firm to him, and he has great engagements. Valenciennes and St. Ömers are taken, and were not provided for, and yet no failing in the Alliances. You will come too late, with lives and fortunes,' if you engage the king in a war, before he be provided for it. The thing is, let us consider, whether we be safe at home, be fore we go abroad: that we be provided with stores and necessaries.

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Sir Wm. Coventry. The matter is, the king seems to think that affairs are so altered abroad, that it is necessary we should be stricter in the matter we desired of him. He seems to intimate, that he is not in a condition to do what we desire of him, and expects something from us, according to our promise, in the Addresses, 'to aid and assist him.' Now the question is, How far we should go forwarder? If we were not at the end of a session, he would never stick at it. But moving for a tax, now gentlemen are gone down, and after an intimation from the king, that we should rise suddenly,' there is so much consequence in such a surprize, that he will never move you to it. We hear abroad, with both ears, of the prince of Orange's ill success; but he hopes your Address has heartened the confederates; and, the king complying, he would be loth the thing should fall flat in our hands. He would be loth the French counsellors should say to the king, They that advised you, shrink and slacken their hands.' He would not therefore strengthen those French counsellors-Would not be thought so pusillanimous a nation, that, when, three weeks ago, we addressed the king, on this success of the French, we should shrink

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