culty in making these Alliances ;' and ' not to be done without a great sum of money.' The parliament said, they will support alliances' and since we met, nothing has been done in pursuance of our Address, for stopping the growing Greatness of France. There is a great deal of Money asked ; and how it may influence our counsels, he examines not; but he expected Alliances against we met. He moves now, That we may make Alliances with Holland and Spain.'

6

Mr. Sec. Williamson is glad to see us come towards some end. We have had many pauses. If the king's hands are not to be trusted with the Money, clear that. But that question carried, that is moved for, viz. An address to the king,' is but calling for another question, and is not to the point in question before you. If you distrust putting the Money into the hands of those who have so little satisfied you already, then it is proper to remove those who have had it in management, before you can go into any Alliance. It has been said, That there are some who would be as glad of a refusal, as of our giving money:" he would have no such reflections here. He knows no such persons. But hitherto this motion is an untrodden path; and he would not come by precipitation to that first, but have it well thought of first.

Sir Tho. Meres. Can it be imagined but that the question of Money will have a negative? therefore press it not.

Mr. Sawyer. As long as that door of France is open, our wealth will creep out at it, and their religion will come in. War and peace are in the king's breast; but he never found it successful but when with the concurrence of the parliament. The king has told you, That, till something be done to enable him to enter into Alliances, he cannot move farther than he has done already.' But he admits your advice. In the Palatinate war, in king James' time, the commons advice was not taken in time, and their hearts were dead, when afterwards their advice was called for. But he sees not why there should be a competition between the king and this house. Whilst we go on in preparing your money, Alliances may be preparing and finished. But he hears it said, This is a hardship put upon the king; the Hollanders and Spaniards will stand more upon terms, by our forwardness:' but you may be ready to alter your opinion, upon occasion. He would have the thing to be doing, whilst you are sitting, and would have them go hand in hand.

Sir Wm. Coventry. Our interest is to keep Holland fast to us, upon whom the danger is great, and our assistance from them may be great also. It is our good fortune that the house is not all of one opinion, so that truth may come better out by argument. Ernly said, our declaring to desire union will make Holland and France readier to agree.' But if any thing make them agree, the being tired Col. Birch. It has been said, We have out, and not seeing those, who are equally conhad several pauses.' But he will set the cart cerned, give them help, he is afraid, will make on wheels, if he can, whilst he is here. But if them agree. It may cause a despondency in there have been pauses,' it is because you them. If he was of the states of Holland, he find no Alliances made. Is any thing clearer, could not find one word to say of safety for than that, if the king would but make the Alli- them, to continue the greatness of the king of ances we desire, we would not only give that France. We have tried the people of Engsum, but more? he would have us adjourn land,' they may justly say, but they do nofrom 3 days to 3 days, till it be done; and thing.' But if they think themselves unable to he will move it. Chuse whether you will take help themselves, and persons concerned do it his counsel, or not. Your safety depends not, they must shift as well as they can. When upon this question, What to be done, and the danger had not pressed them so near, and when? every gentleman says, he would have Flanders was a better bulwark to them than Alliances made against the king of France.' now, the consideration of this made De Wit, If ever, the time is now to declare. If gentle- who loved not England, join with us against men can show him that we are in inevitable the greatness of France. Shall we think that danger, and cannot resist the king of France, the prince of Orange, at the head of their afthen they say something. But, in six weeks fairs, will have less success than De Wit had ? time, he will find a way to raise a million of and can we expect but that, if we give them money, upon occasion of these Alliances. He help, considering all circumstances, France's thinks that nothing under heaven can hinder progress in his conquests may be stopped? if raising the Money, if these Alliances were en- we continue to neglect this, what can secure tered into; and what can hinder the alliances? Holland? is it dangerous to provoke France, in short, there is no money to be had without now Holland is his enemy? will it not be much alliances; and, till then, we have no security more when they are both friends? France gave of our lives or religion. He is for ready money, warrants for fishing to Holland, and that joined and this may easily be done. Your extrava- them. As for preparations, these need not six gances will raise this money. He mistrusts millions to keep the French out, by fortificanot the king's ministers, and would have this tions. He found Papers and Lists in sir great action wipe away their miscarriages. Robert Long's office, of Fleets and estimates, He hopes they will over-strive and over-do one in the Scotch war, in the late king's time; it another, as we shall do ; and would appoint a seemed to him, as if things were managed then committee, to draw up Reasons for an Alli- on purpose to ruin that good king. He was ance with Holland and Spain.' advised to set out second rate ships against Scot

Mr. Vaughan has heard, that the lords of the council have sent to the body of the City to borrow Money.

Sir Nich. Carew. It is said, that the lord mayor and the city would not lend the king any money, because they could not do it upon a security that was already another's; for the Excise was anticipated, and farmed out.

land, and the king had got a good sum of money | Your majesty's most loyal and dutiful subjects, by the lord treasurer Juxon's means; some of the commons, in parliament assembled, having it was spent on the Army, but much on a great taken into their serious consideration your maFleet: great ships to catch small Scotch ves-jesty's most gracious Speech, do beseech your sels; lobsters to catch hares. If therefore we maj. to believe it is a great affliction to them, go about to stop France's progress by a war, to find themselves obliged, at present, to de600,000l. would not make necessary prepara- cline the granting your majesty the Supply tions. In our mutual league with Holland, we that your maj. is pleased to demand; conwish them to bear the brunt. A provision of ceiving it is not agreeable to the usage of par40 ships of a side, he thinks, would keep liament, to grant Supplies for the maintenance France pretty well in order; and for these of Wars and Alliances, before they are sig 40 ships being kept out a whole year, 600,000l. nified in parliament; which the two wars will do that whole year's business. There against the States of the United Provinces, needs little charge in embassies; a good-will since your majesty's happy Restoration, and the will do that cheap. He would clear that sus-League made with them in Jan. 1668, for Prepicion out of the way, of falling upon ministers; servation of the Spanish Netherlands, sufficiwe know, there has been little effect of that. ently prove, without troubling your maj. with But he hopes, whether there be faults or er- instances of greater antiquity. From which rors (he knows none unless that to subvert our usage if we should depart, the precedent might religion) the king has passed a general pardon, be of dangerous consequence in future times; and he hopes every gentleman will give them though your majesty's goodness gives us great oblivion in his own heart, if they will redeem security during your majesty's reign; which we what is past, by their good deportment in this beseech God long to continue. This consigreat business. deration prompted us, in our last Address to your maj. before our late recess, humbly to inention to your maj. our hopes, that, before our meeting again, your majesty's Alliances might be so fixed, as that your maj. might be graciously pleased to impart them to us in parliament; that so our earnest desires of supplying your maj. for prosecuting those great ends we had humbly laid before your majesty, might meet with no impediment or obstruction; being highly sensible of the necessity of supporting as well as making the Alliances humbly desired in our former Addresses; and which we still conceive so important to the safety of your maj. and your kingdoms, that we cannot, without unfaithfulness to your majesty, and those we represent, omit, upon all occasions, humbly to beseech your majesty, as we now do, to enter into a League, offensive and defensive, with the States General of the United Provinces, against the Growth and Power of the French king, and for the Preservation of the Spanish Netherlands; and to make such other Alliances with such other of the Confederates as your maj. shall think fit and useful to that end. In doing which, that no time may be lost, we humbly offer to your majesty these Reasons for the expediting it: 1. That, if the entering into such Alliances should draw on a War with the French king, it would be least detrimental to your majesty's subjects at this time of the year; they having, now, fewest effects within the dominions of the French king. 2. That though we have great reason to believe the power of the French king to be dangerous to your maj. and your kingdoms, when he shall be at more leisure to molest us; yet, we conceive, the many enemies he hath to deal with at present, together with the situation of your maj.'s kingdoms, the unanimity of your people in this cause, the care your maj. hath been pleased to take of your ordinary Guard for the Sea, together with the credit provided by the late Act, entitled An

Sir Tho. Clarges. As for Money borrowed of the city, the aldermen say, that it is the usual and ordinary way to be done by the common-council, and not by 20 particular men, (the aldermen ;) but he believes there is no anticipation upon the additional duty of excise; for nobody would take tallies of anticipation upon a security not yet begun.

After further debate, it was resolved, 1. "That an humble Address be made to the king, that his majesty would be pleased to enter into a League, offensive and defensive, with the States General of the United Provinces; and to make such other Alliances with such other of the Confederates as his majesty shall think fit, against the Growth and Power of the French king, and for the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands." [To which there was not a negative but Mr. Secretary Williamson.] 2. "That a Committee be appointed to draw up the Address, with Reasons why this house cannot comply with his majesty's Speech, until such Alliances be entered into; and farther showing the necessity of the speedy making of such Alliances; and when such Alliances are made, giving his majesty assurances of speedy and chearful Supplies, from time to time, for the supporting and maintaining those Alliances."

The Commons' Address to the King, declining a further Supply till his Majesty's Alliances are made known.] May 25. Sir John Trevor reported the said Address, which was read as follows:

"May it please your most excellent majesty;

hears, to agree,' but would be sorry, without | precedent of it, and if but one, he begs of some farther consideration, to agree. The gentlemen to consider what reception this Adpaper reported, has three parts, 1. The Ad- dress will have, though from the best and kinddress, &c. 2. The Reasons why we cannot est of princes, from such a house of commons. comply with the king, &c. 3. Assurances of You desire freedom of speech and privilege of Supply, if the king will make Alliances, &c. parliament. The king has but few prerogaThe Reasons which are short, he expected tives, as coining money, and making peace longer, for they are no more than what we and war, and they are as land marks, and are gave before; they ought to arise from the de- known; they are but few, and a curse is upon bate of Wednesday. Few were given in the him that removes them. You are told of the last debate, and he expected some more at the Alliances that saved Holland, &c. He will private committee. Of that kind, there is one not compare those with the fears upon you at short one: A precedent of the Palatinate present; but in queen Eliz.'s time, before she war. Those of late time, not troubled with could be brought to a league offensive and deancient. That of the Dutch war formerly.' fensive with them, we had two cautionary Ile would have it derived from history, ancient towns, and a fort, put into our hands. You, and prophane, how the people can be entitled by this hasty Address, are cut off from all to the consideration of war and peace: it hopes of any such caution from them. He has never belonged to the commons of England. acquitted himself, as his allegiance and duty When the king engages us in a war, he knows to this house obliges him, and he knows not how we are to pray and petition, but this Ad- what to advise you. But would have Reasons dress seems to extend farther than our province as strong in the thing as may be, before you extends to. By this Address, the war is de- go to the king with this Address. clared. Perhaps you may come into a war, and then he shall declare himself farther; but he is not for an Alliance with the Dutchmen. We are the greatest people at arms in the world, and we must trust all to the conduct of a Dutch army! He looks for popular arguments: we have soundly paid for a Dutch war. As to the last point of Assurances of Supply, &c. he takes that to be the short of what we have said already. We say, We will do it liberally and largely.' But what is that? Some gentlemen say, some privateers and a squadron of ships for the present;' and some are of another opinion, But this Address, as it is penned, is not large enough, or else we take the conduct of the war upon us, from the be-naming the States of the United Provinces, ginning to the end.-There was a great cry, Agree! agree!"

tells you,

Mr. Sec. Williamson says, he agrees' as far in the end of the Address as any gentleman does, but he fears that the success will show, that this way will not do it, He cannot but think this a new thing, and that it will be far from acknowledging the king's condescension; and that we encroach upon his prerogative. Let men, be ever so hasty, yet if this PaperAddress must go to the king, he yet thinks some parts of it must be mended. The king 'He must have preparatives;' and you must show precedents why preparations have not been granted, before particular Alliances have been declared. Why must Alliances, offensive and defensive, be the matter of the Address? The people cannot consider it; that is proper only for the royal breast. Defensive' consideration is more proper for the people. He never knew an offensive' league declared here before. You are told, That the parliament advised the Palatinate War.' There is nothing too great for this house, but he never knew any thing done of this nature, but the house was first called up to it. They were called to consult of the Palatinate war, and of the late Dutch war. If there be no

Mr. Neale is for these Alliances, and therefore would not put the king upon hardships: he would know whether this is not an intrenchment upon the king's prerogative, to advise him where to make leagues offensive and defensive.-There was another great cry, ' Agree, agree."

Sir Jonathan Trelawney. To cry agree, agree,' savours to him like Club-Law. You will never offer at precedents that the worst of times did never attempt.

Sir Tho. Meres. What has been said comes not home to this Address. When there is occasion, he shall answer those points alleged, of the unprecedentness of it.' But as for

in this Address, it was the Vote of the house, spoken to seventeen times, and but few negatives to it, and he wonders that it should be called Club-Law.'

Sir John Ernly agrees to the end of the Address, but he cannot fully to the means. He must put you in mind, that it does so clash with the prerogative of the crown, that he cannot agree to it. If he thinks there is no more difference than the word Holland,' and saying only such Alliances against France,' he hopes the king will agree to it. If the people desired a parliament, if they asked a day and place for its meeting, he believes it would not be granted, Refers it to your consideration, if the thing be asked in a way not fit to be granted, whether it is not probable it will be denied. It is directing the crown to make this league.

Sir Rob, Carr would not have any intrenching on the king's prerogative, in this Address. He would leave out a league with Holland, offensive and defensive.' Those words may give offence; and he would not give his Vote to that which may retard the thing, and would have it so amended as to be acceptable to the king.

Sir Tho. Lee. To the Orders of the house.

He appeals whether ever, when any committee | same hands, to keep you off from such Alliwas ordered expressly to bring in a thing, that thing, being voted to be part of the Address, shall again be put to the question?

The Speaker. You read a Bill thrice, and nothing is brought into the committec, but must be debated again.

ances as you address for; and whether the king shall be advised by his privy council, and not by parliament. You give him advice, and submit it to him; and the privy council daily practise the coutrary. It is said, 'That this is a breach of the king's prerogative.' We move him to a League with Holland, &c. and it is no breach at all of his prerogative, it seems, in the Council, to move him to a war. Out whole security depends upon a League with Holland against France, without whom we are never able to contend with him. All Counsel tends to make Alliances. And you are left wholly single to contend against that powerful prince..

Sir Wm. Coventry. The good intention and necessity of this Address will carry so much weight with it, that he hopes it will have acceptance from the king. The committee you appointed to draw it had not done their duty, if they had not gone according to the sense of the house. We have made many and many Addresses to the king, and there has been some reason for it: because we have not been rightly understood. There seemed to be ge- Mr. Sec. Coventry is not afraid of mý neral moderation, moved by some gentlemen counsel he has ever given the king; as a privy in the Address, without naming particular Al-counsellor he has taken bis oath, aud as a parliances; but that being not acceptable to the liament-man, he has his opinion; and he is house, this is made more particular, to clear of opinion, that the king is not obliged to follow our meaning. A reason was given why we either his privy council, or parliament, if his should supply the king, without naming Allian- opinion and reason be against it. Hen. iv. ces, that we urge not usually in parliament; sent to his parliament for their advice conour own act was quoted against our affirma- cerning peace and war: they referred it to the tion, viz. The credit we gave the king upon king, and his council, and declared, They had the Excise, at our last meeting, before Allian-nothing to do with it.' He hopes you will not do ces were spoken of.' But yet there is no precedent spoken of, when Money has been given for a war or alliances before they have been declared in parliament. It has been the constant usage of the crown to signify it in parliament, which gave such confidence in the commons, that it never doubted of the commons supply. Ile then read a passage of the king's Speech formerly about the Triple Alliance, viz. The Fleet had began something, but if not speedily supported by Alliances, he should want means to go on;' which shows that the constant method of parliament is, that Alliances have always been declared in parliament, and then Supply has been granted to support those Alliances. There was more said then for the first Dutch war; the second was signified in parliament, and owned by them so far, that they gave Money to maintain it. If methods of parliament be an obstacle to this Address, he thinks that is cleared. He would be fortiter in re, et suaviter in modo,' and he thinks the Address is so, and would agree to it.

Sir Rd. Temple. This of pressing the king to declare Alliances, and advising them by parliament, is no rule of parliament, and a dangerous precedent. He agrees to move the king To make farther Alliances ;' and then you will have attained your end. It is not for the interest of the nation, for the king to name Alliances, which will give them opportunity to ask higher terms.

Col. Birch thinks the Paper is penned with as much modesty and duty as can be. If there be other Reasons to make the Alliances more particular, he would have them forborn. Our main business is, that the Religion and the interest of the nation be supported.

Mr. Sacheverell. The question is now, Whether we shall again put these Alliances into the

a thing to prejudice the thing you intend to do. He may probably be let into this prince's door when he scrapes, but not when he knocks. Perhaps he shall be kept out. To deal in the rougher way with our prince is not the means to make him incline to your opinion. If any man is persuaded that he is wanting in his duty, if he name not 'Holland' in the Address, then it cannot be left out. The general way is more regular and decent, and he moves to leave out Holland.'

Sir Tho. Lee. If there be irregularity or indecency in this expression of Holland,' he is far from its being in the Address. But this is far from a knock at the Prince's door, and cannot be gathered from the expressions in the Address. It is but advice and persua sion only. It is hard that the house shall not declare their opinion. The first occasion, perhaps, to get out of our misery, is to know how we came into it. The first step to it was our conjunction with France, against Holland; the first step we got out of it by was to make a separate Peace with Holland; but we find that the bare going out of it had not the effect we desired. What next? Is it not reasonable, that, if we still had kept that Alliance, we had suppressed Holland totally? Is it not the same thing now? Perhaps some greater advice is requisite. If it be a single question, he knows not what the consequence may be, in leaving it out, now it is put in. It is but plainly and barely showing your opinion, that you are not safe without an universal agreement with the Confederates. Flanders could not be preserved by a defensive Alliance in the Triple League, and therefore it is dangerous to leave 'Holland' out.

* The custom of the Court.