with words having a similar sound, the so-called bisticci, as with amore and amaro, or the like; also the continual repetition throughout a whole stanza or a whole poem, of the same word, or of the same stem, which was called "replication" by the Provençals. Thus, for example, Guittone wrote in his fifty-fourth sonnet : And the Italians added another kind of trick, namely, an accumulation of intermediate rhymes, which were not used so extensively by the Provençals themselves. They were not satisfied with reproducing the sound of the close of each verse only once in the body of the next verse, but repeated the rhyme several times in the course of the verse, as, for example, in the lines of the Pisan Pucciandone Martelli: Similemente-gente-criatura, La portatura-pura-ed avvenente From this affectation sprang the obscure or difficult manner of the troubadours, arising out of the straining after something new and extraordinary, something of weight, which was to be represented outwardly by a mode of expression difficult to understand, but which, often enough, was not to be found in the subject-matter itself. A refined art here, as has often been the case, mistook the pleasure afforded by the solution of the difficulties for the delight taken in the depth of the thought itself. Arnaut Daniel, the chief representative of this tendency, the one who exaggerated it most, was held in high repute in Italy, as is proved by Dante's praise of him in the "Purgatorio” and in the book, "De Eloq. Vulg." Hence even the "obscure" poetry found imitators. But, again, only one such poem ("Del meo voler dir l'ombra ") is attributed to a Southern poet, the Sicilian Inghilfredi. 1 As often as I say "joy," joyous Being, thou wilt understand that I speak of thee, who art a joy of joyous beauty, and a joy of joyous and beauteous delight. The others are by Tuscans. This obscurity of diction went hand in hand with all kinds of artificialities of form, alliteration, repetition, and intermediate rhymes, but, especially, unnatural and difficult rhymes, rims cars, as the Provençals called them. The Italian poems of the obscure manner are nearly all characterised by the rhymes of homonyms, in Provençal, rims equivocs, or, still more frequently, by the repetition in their stead of the same word in the rhyme; this was merely an attempt to imitate the rims cars of the troubadours. For this reason such poems were called canzoni equivoche. To this class belong, among others, two poems of Pannuccio dal Bagno, "Poichè mia voglia varca " and "Di dir già più non celo," an anonymous piece, Amor tegnomi matto," which has been wrongly attributed to Meo Abbracciavacca, and Guittone's thirty-sixth canzone. He and his school were especially noted for their obscurity, and, when this was intentional on the part of the poet, it is often quite impossible for us to penetrate into the hidden meaning; it is true that when, now and again, it is really revealed to us, it is so insignificant that we can scarcely regret very much the fact that our efforts have mostly been futile. 66 In these vain and insipid triflings, in the exaggerations of the manner, we may note the ever increasing decline of the Provençal style of poetry in Tuscany. At the same time. this assumes a certain commonplace aspect, that stands in contrast to the spirit originally contained in it. For this love-poetry is nothing but a superficial, rhetorical exercise, composed in the traditional manner. This accounts for the increase in artificiality, since emptiness of subject-matter causes all the attention to be devoted to the form. Men wrote poetry without feeling what they wrote; how were they to be made to feel a chivalrous love, which, in truth, they no longer knew? This kind of poetry, moreover, had its foundation no longer in the existing state of society. For at the court of Frederick there had been more of the feudal spirit of chivalry than elsewhere; besides judges and doctors, courtiers and princes, too, wrote poetry there. In Tuscany, on the other hand, this style of poetry coincides with the life of the communes, the exact opposite of the chivalry by which it had originally been created. Hence it was necessary for the poetry to adapt itself to these new customs and to this new spirit, before a development could take place that possessed the elements of vitality. In Northern Italy the free constitution of the cities was not of long duration. As early as the thirteenth century, dynasties had become possessed of sovereignty. Tuscany, however, the development of whose independence had been slower, retained its free communes, with their stormy political life. The cities oppose such remnants of the feudal system as were still existing, they destroy the castles of the nobles living in the country, force many of the great families to submit to them and to reside within the city walls. The communes make war upon each other, endeavour to suppress one another, and to add each to its own power. Florence, which at the beginning is not so important as the other great municipalities, rises rapidly till it supersedes hem all and becomes the centre of Tuscany. The government comes more and more into the hands of the citizens, he families of the nobles rend the cities with their factions, and wear out each other's strength. The names of the Guelphs and Ghibellines, first used in Florence (though it is not known exactly how this came about), from which city hey spread through the whole of Italy, only serve as a kind of signboard and means of union. Behind the partisanship or Pope and Emperor are hidden, as the true igniting sparks, ersonal interests, jealousy for the possession of public ower, and private family feuds. The same animosity and eartless cruelty that mark the struggles of the cities against ach other, mark also those of the factions within them. either peace nor a lasting condition of affairs exists; victory now on one side, now on the other, and is followed by fire nd pillage, by the exile of the enemy and the ruin of milies. It was a wild, anarchical state of things; but at the me time there was not wanting a strong, though limited, atriotism, a warm love for the commune. Thus the cities, spite of the thousand evils and dangers that threatened em, flourished and grew in population and wealth. And was this very ferment of passion, with which public life was led, that became a fertile soil for future poetry. The troubadours, who took an active part in the affairs of e world, possessed, besides their love poetry, the serventesi, at is, political and satirical songs, and these formed, at any rate in the period of decline, the most interesting portion of their literature. The Italian poets of the North, who wrote in Provençal, cultivated this class successfully; the Sicilians, however, held aloof from it, and, as far as can be judged from the poems that have been preserved, only sang of love, much to the detriment of their art. The only exceptions are two dry moralisations that have come down under the name of Inghilfredi Siciliano, and the two moralising sonnets of King Enzo and Mazzeo Ricco. This point marks an important difference between the Tuscan poets and those of the South. The former, from the outset, did not limit their poetical subject-matter to such an extent, and they possess far more poetry of the kind corresponding to the Provençal serventes. Guittone's best poem is a genuine political song of reproach, written in the year 1260, when the Florentines were utterly routed by the Sienese and King Manfred's cavalry in the bloody battle of Monteaperti. In consequence of this battle the Ghibellines, who had been driven out two years previously, returned to Florence, while the Guelphs were forced to retreat. The poet is on the side of the conquered: he bewails the city which had been thrust from the height of her power through the shameful action of her own sons, the Ghibellines, at whom he scoffs, because in order to gain the mastery, they had subjected themselves to the swords of the Germans and to the enemies of their commune. Though the form is heavy and prosaic, yet i expresses a sincere and energetic feeling, especially in the case of its bitter irony at the close: Baron Lombardi e Romani e Pugliesi E Toschi e Romagnuoli e Marchigiani, Chè fare vuol di sè Re dei Toscani, Have conquisi per forza e i Senesi. 1 The victory of Charles of Anjou in the year 1266 decide in the whole of Italy the supremacy of the Papal party; th 1 Lombard, Roman, Apulian and Tuscan, barons, and ye Romagna and the Mark, Florence, the flower that ever blosson afresh, calls ye to its court; for it wishes to make itself King of Tuscans, since it has conquered by force the Germans and people Ghibellines were again expelled from Florence, this time for ever, and the city remained the most intensely Guelph commune in Tuscany. Therefore the attempt of the youthful Conradin to reconquer his heritage, and the events of the year 1268 connected with it, naturally produced a great sensation. These form the subject of a series of sonnets in the manner of tenzoni by Florentine poets, who, according to the party to which they belonged, cast for the combatants a different horoscope as to the issue. Monte Andrea scoffs at the vain hopes of the Ghibellines, and trusts in Charles's strength, as he is protector of the right, and Pope and Church are on his side; he recalls the saying of Clement IV. concerning Conradin, that he would be led by the bad counsellors, like a lamb to the slaughtering-bench. Schiatta di Messer Albizzo Pallavillani defends the cause of the Ghibellines; he prophesies that fortune would turn, and people would see how the lamb could bite. Orlanduccio Orafo expects that there would be a hot contest with doubtful issue, seeing that both parties were very strong. Palamidesse Belindore is of opinion that the young Conradin should rather read his Psalter; if he were sensible, he would have nothing to do with the champions of St. Peter. Beroardo Notajo doubts Charles's courage and ability, and Ser Cione Notajo even thinks he would take to flight before the arrival of the Germans. In another place there is a dispute concerning the prospects of the pretenders to the German imperial crown, King Alfonso of Castile and Richard of Cornwall, and concerning the chances of Frederick of Misnia ("Federigo di Stuffo ") to the throne of Sicily. Thus we learn the different views of the Florentine citizens, notaries and artisans on the affairs of the great world without, followed by them with keen interest. It is to be regretted that this political colloquy has not yet been published completely and in its proper sequence. To the expedition of Conradin refers also a canzone, attributed in the Vatican collection to Don Arrigo, that is to say to the Infante Don Enrique, brother of Alfonso the Wise of Castile, and cousin of Charles of Anjou. This prince came to Italy in 1266, and being closely allied to Charles, was appointed at first a senator of Rome through his aid, but afterwards, on quarrelling with him, became one of the chief followers. |