that the House should be accurately informed of the actual state of the corn trade, and the probability respecting importation before the next harvest, moved "That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the corn trade, so far as relates to the importation and warehousing of foreign corn, and to report their observations thereupon; together with the minutes of evidence which may be taken before them." This delay was warmly opposed by the friends of the resolutions; and though the motion was supported by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who now manifestly began to waver, it was negatived on a division by 99 against 42.

On May 23rd, a motion being made for the third reading of the Corn Exportation Bill, Mr. Rose declared that he would make his solemn protest against it, as one of the most mischievous measures that had ever been brought before the House; and after stating his objections to it, he said he should move, as a rider, that the King should be empowered, with the advice of his Privy Council, to stop the exportation whenever the exigencies of the country might require it. After some observations had been made by different members on this suggestion, the House divided on the third reading. For it 107, Against it 27, Majority 80. The rider of Mr. Rose was then discussed, and was rejected without a division, and the bill passed.

The report of the Corn Importation Bill being brought up on May 24, a conversation ensued, chiefly on the charge of deficient information for the importance of the subject; after which the bill pro VOL. LVI.

forma was passed, to be discussed in the following stage. A great number of petitions in the mean time were brought up from different places, including some of the most populous towns in the kingdom, against the meditated alterations in the corn laws, by which the existence of a very general alarm respecting their supposed tendency was strongly manifested. The members who presented them thought it their duty, in some instances, to express their sense of the danger that might arise from urging measures so unpopular with a great part of the nation: and Mr. Canning, on presenting a petition from Liverpool signed by 22,000 names, said that he thought it impossible for any man who had cast his observation about him for the last ten days, not to feel that unless some urgent necessity called for the adoption of the proposed measures, it would be the height of impolicy to urge them at present.

The effect of these representations was apparent, when on June 6th the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose and said, that in consideration of the number of petitions which had been presented against the proposed alteration of the Corn Laws, he should move to refer those petitions to the consideration of a select committee, with the intention and hope, that if they could make their report in due time, some legislative measure might be founded upon it in the course of the present session. The motion being put, a debate followed, in which the arguments respecting the policy of the proposed changes were recapitulated on each side, with some severe strictures, by the friends of those changes, on the means by

[K]

which the national alarm had been excited. It was clearly understood that the motion was in fact a postponement of the further consideration of the subject to another session, and it was supported and opposed under that idea. A division at length taking place, the numbers were Ayes 173, Noes 67, Majority for the motion 106. The order of the day being then read for taking the report on the Corn Laws into farther consideration, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that the report should be taken into consideration on that day three weeks; to which General Gascoigne moved as an amendment, substituting six months as the time. The House dividing on the amendment, the numbers were Ayes 116, Noes 106, Majority 10: the bill introduced was therefore

lost.

The Corn Exportation bill passed the House of Lords with little opposition, and went into a law. În that House also a committee was formed for inquiring into the state of the corn laws, which brought in a report a short time before the prorogation of parliament; when the Earl of Hardwicke, who presented it, said that he regretted that the time had not been sufficient to justify the committee in coming to a final report on the subject, and announced his intention of moving for another committee early in the next session.

Without presuming to give any opinion respecting the general justice or policy of the proposed alterations in the system of the corn laws, we may venture to observé, respecting the parliamentary proceedings on the subject, 1.

that the very high standard fixed in the first set of resolutions for the points at which exportation was to cease, and importation to be allowed, did certainly indicate in the proposers a design of keeping up a price of corn adequate to the support of that extraordinary rise of rents which has taken place of late years: 2. that the great majorities in the House of Commons in favour of the mitigated resolutions, cannot in fairness be attributed to any other cause, than a conviction of the public utility of the measures proposed; and 3. that the number of petitioners against any change in the existing laws can afford no rule to judge of the merits of the case, when it is considered with what ease a ferment is excited among the people, especially in a matter apparently connected with their subsistence. The question, as a subject of sound and sober policy, cannot be said yet to have received a satisfactory discussion.

The proceedings of both Houses of Parliament relative to the Slave Trade as carried on by foreign countries, were so much to their honour, on account of the generous sentiments displayed in them, that although the results were less efficacious than the friends of humanity might have wished, it would be a national injury to pass them without due notice.

On May 2nd. Mr. Wilberforce rose in the House of Commons, and made a speech introductory to a proposed motion. He said, the House had already recognized its principle when, in 1806 and 1810, it had consented to an address to the throne, similar in effect to that which he was desirous of pro

moting. He observed, that there never was a period more favourable to such a motion than the present, or in which there existed such

powerful motives for endeavouring to attain its purpose. All the great powers of Europe were assembled in congress to consider the very elements of their political rights, and what could be a more proper moment for urging the consideration of the wrongs of Africa? There was but one objection that he had heard against the proceeding he meant to recommend, which was, that when he spoke of the immediate accession of the continental powers to a proposal for a general abolition of the Slave Trade, it was replied, that as we ourselves did not abolish it till after 18 or 19 years of inquiry, how could it be expected that they would do it so precipitately? The fact however was, that it had been on its trial during all that interval, and that when its deformity was fully disclosed, the general conviction pronounced sentence against it. Experience had also shewn that all the predictions of commercial and other evils to follow its abolition were fallacious; therefore, in urging other nations to pursue the same course, we called upon them to run no risk in an untried scheme. Further, the greater part of the European nations had no direct interest in the continuance of this trade. With regard to France, it had been practically abolished for many years past; and though Mr. Fox had been unable to convince Buonaparte that our abolition rose from any principle of justice, and he was a friend to the trade, better things might be expected from

the religion and humanity of Lewis XVIII. From Spain also happier results might be anticipated, as she was now placed in a condition that enabled her to act upon just and honourable principles. Looking to Portugal he could not but entertain similar hopes, notwithstanding a paper lately issued by that government, the principle of which was, that the Slave Trade should be carried on by the ports of Brazil, until the population of that extensive country was become proportioned to its magnitude. The language of this paper shewed an attention to the calls of humanity, which, though perverted, might by proper argument be led to a co-operation with this coun try. The acquiescence of Sweden had been already obtained. Denmark had abolished the trade at an early period; as America had also done. The hon. member begged to guard himself against the imputation of wishing by his motion to remind his Majesty's ministers of a duty which he was persuaded they were ready spontaneously to perform. His object was only to strengthen their hands by a solemn declaration from par liament, that their former proceedings did not originate in a transient fit of humanity, but in a deliberate view of the subject in all its relations. After an earnest and eloquent appeal to the feelings of the House, he concluded with a motion of considerable length, the substance of which was, That an humble address should be presented to the Prince Regent, assuring his Royal Highness of their perfect reliance on the former declarations to parlia◄ ment that his majesty's govern¦

ment would employ every proper means to obtain a convention of the powers of Europe, for the immediate abolition of the Slave Trade; representing to him that the late happy events afford the most auspicious opportunity for the interposition of Great Britain for that purpose; that unless this nation interposes with effect at the present juncture, the restoration of peace will be the revival of this criminal traffic in all its horrors; and that they trust that such a great act of atonement towards Africa would tend to prolong the tranquillity of Europe, by inculcating a higher respect for justice and humanity among its

nations.

The motion being read, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to express his cordial concurrence. He was followed by several other speakers from both sides of the House, who were unanimous in their approbation of the sentiments in the address. Mr. Canning hinted, that as Spain and Portugal had now recovered their independence, we might assume a loftier tone with them than would have been wise or delicate when they were struggling with difficulties, and looked to this country for aid. Mr. Marryatt took upon him to state that those connected with the West India colonies were as anxious for the abolition of the Slave Trade as any other class of persons could be. As a proof that little was done towards lessening the evil while the trade was carried on by other nations, he said that from the Report of the African Society up to the year 1810, the average number of slaves annually obtained from Africa

amounted to 80,000, of which half were carried away in Spanish, and half in Portuguese vessels. He asserted that our abolition of the trade had already produced the effect of a better treatment of the Negroes in the colonies, the old system of night and day gangs being abandoned. Mr. Whitbread observed, that those were deceived who imagined that every man in England wished for the abolition of the Slave Trade. It had come to his knowledge that there were persons in this country base enough to wish for the return of peace on account of the facilities it would afford for carrying on this traffic under another flag. Those powers which still supported it ought to be made to understand that their interest required its total abolition.

The motion was agreed to unanimously.

In the House of Lords, on May 5th, Lord Grenville rose, and made a speech so much in the general tenor of that of Mr. Wilberforce, that it would be superfluous to particularize its topics. It may however be observed, that he dwelt with more energy on the conduct of the court of Portugal in its late edict permitting the Slave Trade, and plainly inculcated the necessity of "meeting it with higher and more influential arguments than we had used before," if we desired to effect the abolition. His Lordship concluded with moving an address to the Prince Regent, precisely of the same import with that proposed in the other House, which was agreed to nem. diss.

These proceedings were prior to the treaty of peace between the

allied powers and France; and when, among the terms of that treaty, an article was found, sanctioning to France the practice of the Slave Trade during five years, the zealous advocates for its total abolition were struck with deep concern, and foresaw a renewal, to a wide extent, of all the horrors which they had so long been employed in combating. The leaders in each House of Parliament in the measures above recorded, prepared to exert themselves again. for the same benevolent cause, though the part they had now to take was of a more difficult and complicated nature, since they were to contend against an engagement already entered into, and in which the reputation of the ministers was in some degree involved.

On June 27th, Mr. Wilberforce rose in the House of Commons, and began with expressing his severe disappointment that the address which on his motion had been presented to the crown, imploring its influence to induce foreign powers to join in the abolition of the Slave Trade, had

proved ineffectual. He gave a pathetic view of the miseries which the supply with slaves of the French colonies unconditionally restored would inflict on a vast number of human beings. He said it had not been his intention to express any opinion of the conduct of the negociators in this treaty; but for himself, no considerations, however weighty, could have induced him to resign settlements which were to be culti vated in a way so abhorrent to humanity. As the matter now stood, he was afraid that the ut

most we could hope was, that at the end of five years France would join with the rest of Europe in the condemnation of this trade; England however even now ought to lift up her voice, and at least endeavour to prevent the introduction of the miseries formerly existing in those parts of Africa in which these horrors had been repressed, and legitimate commerce had been established. After various other observations on the subject, urged with great earnestness, Mr. W. concluded with moving a long address to the Prince Regent, in which, after expressing the regret of the House, that the consequences of their former address had not been such as they had confidently anticipated, and stating the multiplied evils that would result from the renewal of the Slave Trade by the French, they earnestly implored his Royal Highness to endeavour to obtain, if possible, from the government of France, some diminution of the term permitted to the Slave Trade; but, in any case, its restriction within certain limits, and its total exclusion from those parts of Africa, where the exertions of Great Britain have already succeeded in suppressing it: also, that no exertion should be omitted in the approaching congress to procure a final and universal extinction of the Slave Trade.

Lord Castlereagh said, that he warmly concurred in all the sentiments expressed by his hon. friend with respect to the Slave Trade, and the propriety of the address proposed, though he could have wished the discussion postponed till the time of taking the