in a note, by our Cabinet minister, Count Munster, our first Plenipotentiary at the Congress at Vienna, to the chief Courts of Europe, We hereby command all our faithful subjects and public authorities, to employ in future in all acts, &c. instead of the old title, that of King of the united Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, King of Hanover, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, &c. Given at Carlton-house, this 26th day of October, 1814, in the 55th year of the reign of his Majesty, our Father. An official letter of the Minister of State Baron de Stein, dated October 21, informs me of a Convention concluded on the 28th of September, at Vienna, in virtue of which his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, in concert with Austria and England, shall put into the hands of his Majesty the King of Prussia the administration of the kingdom of Saxony. I have received orders to consign the government of this country to persons provided with proper powers by his Majesty the King of Prussia, who shall present themselves; and to relieve the Russian Imperial troops by the Prussian troops, in order thus to operate the union of Saxony with Prussia, which will soon take place in a manner more formal and solemn, in order to establish fraternity between the two kingdoms. This union is already of itself the guarantee of great and incon testable advantages for the two kingdoms, and for all Germany: but the benevolence and care of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, and the well known humanity and goodness of his Majesty the King of Prussia, will yet more increase those happy results. After certain preliminary deliberations, the object of which is the well-being of the whole and of the parts which compose the union, their Majesty's have, to wit, King Frederick William, in quality of future Sovereign of the country, declared, that he has not the intention of incorporating Saxouy to his estates as a province, but to unite it to Prussia under the title of the Kingdom of Saxony, to preserve it for ever in its integrity, to leave it in the enjoyment of those rights, privileges, and advantages, which the constitution of Germany shall secure to those of the kingdoms of Germany which make a part of the Prussian monarchy, and to change nothing in its present constitution; and his Majesty the Emperor Alexander has testified the private satisfaction which that declaration has caused him. SAXON DECLARATION. Frederick Augustus, by the grace of God King of Saxony, Duke of Warsaw, &c. We have just learned with lively feelings of grief that our kingdom of Saxony has been provisionally occupied by the troops of his Prussian Majesty. Firmly resolved never to separate our fate from that of our us. people; filled with confidence in the justice and magnanimity of the Allied Sovereigns, and intending to join their alliance as soon as we had the means of doing so, we determined, after the battle of Leipsic, there to await the conquerors. But the Sovereigns refused to hear We were compelled to depart from our States, and proceed to Berlin. His Majesty the Emperor of Russia nevertheless made known to us, that our removal from Saxony was dictated only by military interests, and his Majesty at the same time invited us to repose in him entire confidence. We also received from their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, and the King of Prussia, affecting proofs of interest and sensibility. We were in consequence enabled to cherish the hope, that as soon as these military considerations ceased to operate, we should be reinstated in our rights and restored to our dear subjects. We were the more entitled to expect a speedy and happy change in our situation, inasmuch as we had made known to the coalesced sovereigns our sincere desire to co-operate in the re-esta, blishment of repose and liberty, and had manifested in every way which the power was left us of doing, our real devotedness to their persons, and to the cause which was the object of their efforts. On the conclusion of peace with France, it was infinitely painful to us to learn, that our reiterated instances for our speedy reinstates ment had not been attended to; that our just hopes were still de eeived; and that the decision of our dearest interests, and those of our people, had been adjourned to the Congress of Vienna. Far, however, from crediting the reports circulated with regard to the fate of our States since the epoch of the peace of Paris, we place entire confidence in the justice of the allied Monarchs, though it be impossible to penetrate the motives of the proceedings which they have pursued towards us. The conversation and consolidation of legitimate dynasties was the grand object of the war which has been so happily terminated: the coalesced powers accordingly repeatedly proclaimed, in the most solemn manner, that, far removed from every plan of conquest and aggrandisement, they had only in view the restoration of the rights and liberties of Europe. Saxony, in particular, received the most positive assurances, that her integrity would be maintained. That integrity essentially includes the conservation of the dynasty for which the nation has publicly manifested its constant attachment, and the unanimous wish to be re-united to its Sovereign. We have communicted to the pricipal powers of Europe a frank and full exposition of the motives which guided our political conduct during these latter times; and from the unshaken confidence which we place in ther intelligence and justice, we feel persuaded that they have recognised not only the purity of our intentions, but also the absolute necessity, resulting from the particular position of our States, and the empire of circumstances, which prevented us from taking part in the struggle for Germany. The inviolability of our rights, and of those of our house, to the well and justly acquired inheritance of our ancestors, is acknowledged. Our speedy reinstatement ought to be the consequence thereof. We should be wanting to the most sacred duties towards our royal house, and towards our people, were we to remain silent under the new measures pro jected against our states at a moment when we are entitled to expect their restitution. The intention manifested by the Court of Prussia, of provisionally occupying our Saxon States, compels us to forearm our well-founded rights against such a step, and solemnly to protest against the consequences which may be drawn from such a measure. In the name of the Holy Trinity, his Majesty the King of Denmark, and his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, equally animated by a wish to terminate the differences which for a short time have subsisted between them, and to restore on firm foundations that union and good understanding which so long prevailed between their respective states, have for that purpose named and authorized as Plenipotentiaries, viz. his Ma jesty the King of Denmark, Mr. Edmund Bourke, his Chamberlain, &c. and his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, Baron Peter Suchtelen, General of Engineers, &c. who having exchanged their full powers, and found them in good and proper order, have agreed upon the following articles : : Art. I. There shall be henceforward peace, friendship, and good understanding between his Majesty the King of Denmark and his Majesty the Emperor of Russia. Both the high contracting Powers will pay the greatest attention to the maintaining of complete harmony between their respective states and subjects, and will carefully avoid every thing that might interrupt the harmony so happily restored. It is before the Congress of Vienna, and in the face of all Europe, that we discharge this duty, by signing these presents with our hand, and at the same time publicly reiterating the declaration, communicated some time ago to the Allied Courts, that we will never consent to the cession of the States inherited from our ancestors, and that we will never accept any indemnity or equivalent that may be offered to us. Given at Frederickfeld, II. The political relations, as Nov. 4, 1814. well as the old treaties, which ex(L. S.) FRED. AUGUSTUS. isted between the two powers before the war, that for a moment broke off their operation, are again restored to full effect by the present treaty, in so far as they do not militate against treaties which have recently been concluded between the Emperor of Russia and other Sovereigns of the North. Treaty of Peace between his Majesty the King of Denmark, and his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, concluded at Hanover on the 8th of February, and ratified at Vienna, on the 16th of November, 1814. III. The relations of navigation and commerce are again restored between the two States, the same as they existed before the war. They shall be subject to the same regulations, and enjoy the same advantages as before the breaking out of the war. IV. The sequestration laid on the property of both Sovereigns, and of their respective subjects, as well as the embargo laid on the shipping of both nations in the various ports of Russia and Denmark at the time when war was declared, shall be removed as soon as the present treaty is ratified. V. The two high contracting parties formally bind themselves to conclude no separate peace with the common enemy. CHARACTERS. ANECDOTES OF DR. YOUNG. studying the Hebrew text, and more versed in the Jewish Chroni From the Letters of Mrs. Eliza- cle than the English history; a beth Montagu. Tunbridge-Wells, 1745. TO THE DUCHESS OF PORTLAND. I HAVE great joy in Dr. Young, whom I disturbed in a reverie; at first he started, then bowed, then fell back into a surprise, then began a speech, relapsed into his astonishment two or three times, forgot what he had been saying, began a new subject, and so went on. I told him your Grace desired he would write longer letters; to which he cried Ha! most emphatically, and I leave you to interpret what it meant. He has made a friendship with one person here, whom, I believe, you would not imagine to have been made for his bosom friend. You would, perhaps, suppose it was a bishop, a dean, a prebend, a pious preacher, a clergyman of exemplary life; or if a layman, of most virtuous conversation, one that had paraphrased St. Matthew, or wrote comments on St. Paul; one blind with man that knew more of the Levitical law, than of the civil, or common law of England. You would not guess that this associate of the Doctor's was-old Cibber ! Certainly in their religious, moral, and civil character, there is no relation, but in their dramatic capacity there is some. But why the reverend divine, and serious author of the melancholy Night Thoughts, should desire to appear as a persona dramatis here I cannot imagine. The waters have raised his spirits to a fine pitch, as your Grace will imagine when I tell you how sublime an answer he made to a very vulgar question: I asked him how long he stayed at the Wells? he said, as long as my rival stayed. I was astonished how one who made no pretensions to any thing could have a rival, so I asked him for an explanation; he said he would stay as long as the sun did. He did an admirable thing to Lady Sunderland; on her mentioning Sir Robert Sutton, he asked her where Sir Robert's Lady was? on which we all laughed very heartily, |