As soon, therefore, as the joy of present relief from danger had subsided, there broke out a spirit of discontent, which manifested itself in animosity against the allies, and disaffection to a new government considered as imposed on the nation by foreign arms; with which, in the numerous military class, was joined an impatient desire of resuming their arms, and frequent tokens of remaining or returning attachment to their late emperor. The party thus formed was strong and audacious in the capital, and in some of the departments; and it required all the prudence and vigilance of the government to prevent its breaking out in acts of mischief.

The bulk of the people, how ever, was probably well inclined to admit the prospect of returning quiet and prosperity, and of being freed from the grievous burdens to which they had been subjected, and especially from the dreadful yoke of military conscription. The change from a severe despotism to a limited monarchy, may also be supposed to have been grateful to all whose public principles had not been utterly debased by long habits of servitude. But in the discussions respecting the constitution, two opposite parties soon declared themselves; which were, in effect, the same as those which attend every system of mixed government, and of which one inclines to the monarchical, and the other to the popular side.

To the first of these naturally belonged all the loyal emigrants who followed the fortune of the Bourbons, and returned with them into their own country. Educated in sentiments of the profoundest

respect for the royal authority, and the doctrine of hereditary right, they were disposed to consider the restoration of the ancient royal family, as implying that of the whole power vested in the crown of France. The other party was composed of those who had held any share in the different systems of republican government, during the revolutionary period, or whom the dread and hatred of experienced tyranny had convinced of the necessity of setting bounds to arbitrary exertions of authority. Both of these parties apparently coalesced in the idea of a limited monarchy, as the only form of government adapted to the present circumstances of the time and country; but it is well known, from other examples, that wide differences may exist as to the nature and extent of the limi

tation.

The liberty of the press was one of the topics upon which a diversity of sentiments was soonest manifested; and different speakers in the chamber of deputies had made motions relative to it, when, on July 5th, the Abbé de Montesquiou, and the Count de Blacas, were introduced to that asseinbly to present, by the king's order, the plan of a law on the Publication of Works. It was prefaced by a speech from the former, in which, after some of the usual observations on the advantages, on the one hand, resulting from a free communication of opinions, and the dangers, on the other, attending the abuse of such a liberty, he touched upon the particular circumstances of the present period, and the national character, in which were com

prised "a vivacity, a mobility of imagination, which required restraint;" and he concluded with saying, that the king proposed nothing to them which did not appear to him absolutely necessary to the safety of the national institutions, and the administration of government. The following were the most important provisions of the law. Every work of more than thirty sheets to be published freely, and without censorial revision; and the same latitude to be given to works in the dead and the foreign languages, prayer-books, catechisms, episcopal charges, law reports, and works of scientific societies, established by royal authority. With regard to writings. of less bulk, the director-general of the press, or prefects in the departments, may require their previous communication. Such works to be examined by censors named by the king, and if thought by them defamatory, dangerous to the public peace, or immoral, their printing may be forbid by the director-general. A committee of three members of each house, with three commissioners appointed by the king, to be formed in each session, to whom such suppressions shall be communicated, with the opinions of the censors; and if their reasons shall appear insufficient, the committee may order the printing. Journals and periodical writings not to appear without the king's authority. The author and printer of a work may, if they choose, require its previous examination, and if it be approved, they are discharged from all responsibility, except with respect to injuries of individuals. No person to be a printer or bookseller

No

without the king's licence, and taking the proper oaths; and the licence may be withdrawn on violation of the regulations. Clandestine printing establishments to be dastroyed, and the proprietors to be subject to fine and imprisonment. work to be published without notice to the director-general or the prefect of the department, under a fine for neglect. The omission of the printer's name, or substitution of a false name, to be punished by fine. This law to bę revised after three years.

It was not to be expected, that a plan so restrictive of the effectual liberty of the press should be received with general concurrence; accordingly we find, from the report of a committee of the chamber of deputies appointed to examine it, delivered on August 1st, by M. Raynouard, that it incurred very serious opposition in that house. The committee was unanimous in declaring, that the plan of the law as proposed could not be adopted without some modifications; and it was resolved by a majority, that previous censorship ought not to serve as the basis of the law. The speech of that member on the occasion was long, and though calm, strongly reasoned; and arguments were particularly adduced to prove, that such censorship was incompatible with the freedom of the press, and a violation of the constitution. The report was ordered to be printed. Such was the public curiosity respecting the debate on the subject which was to take place in the chamber of deputies on August 5th, that it gave rise to a scene highly characteristic of the nation. A vast crowd, in

which a number of elegant females were conspicuous, had pressed into the house, notwithstanding all the efforts of the sentinels, whose bayonets had no terrors for these ladies, and every part was filled; when, instead of the order of the day, the president ordered the regulation to be read, directing that "no stranger shall, on any pretext, introduce himself into the body of the house, where the members sit." The president then ordered all the strangers within the enclosure to withdraw, declaring that otherwise he must adjourn the house to the next day. In consequence, a few of the upper seats were cleared; but in the other parts of the hall no regard whatever being paid to the injunction, the president declared the sitting at an end. This incident was not likely to produce an effect favourable to any proposal for enlarging popular freedom.

At the meeting on the following day, care had been taken to preserve due order, and speeches were made on each side of the question relative to the censorship, which were directed to be printed. The debate was resumed on the 8th, and was continued on the three succeeding days. At length, M. Raynouard having been heard against the law, and the Abbé de Montesquiou in its fayour, the question was put by ballot, when there appeared for the law 137 balls, against it 80, upon which the president pronounced, "The Chamber adopts the law." It is to be observed, that M. Montesquiou had made the concession on the part of the king, that the, censorship should not apply to any work exceeding

20 sheets, and that the operation of the law should be limited to the end of the session of 1816.

The law underwent considerable discussion in the chamber of peers, and various amendments were made. In the mean time the public attention to the subject was kept alive by some prosecutions of libels; and it was not till October 21st, that the law was sanctioned and published by a royal decree. Its provisions were not materially different from those in the abstract above given. The previous censorship of works under 20 sheets was fully established. The regulations respecting clandestine or illegal printing, were rendered more precise and severe. By three ordinances of subsequent dates, various appointments were made for carrying the law into effect, the censors were nominated, of whom 19 were termed ordinary, and 22 honorary. The general direction of the bookselling trade was placed under the Chancellor of France.

It appears as if some particular law had been made relative to journals and periodical papers; for the Chancellor, alluding to such a law in an edict of October

29th, directs that no such paper shall be published at Paris after Nov. 1st, and in the departments after Dec. 1st ensuing, without the authorization prescribed in the law; and that such authorization shall be granted, and may be withdrawn, for the daily journals of Paris, by the Director-general of the Police, and for all other parts, by the Director-general of bookselling. Every English reader will feel the great importance of a restrictive power in the officers of

government over publications of this class.

On July 3rd, two of the King's ministers having been introduced to the chamber of deputies, laid before that body a statement of the condition in which the kingdom was found by his Majesty on his taking the reins of government. It was the object of this important paper to show how much the nation had suffered from the insane projects of its late ruler; to lay open all the deceptions which had been practised to conceal the real state of affairs; and to give a strong impression of the difficulties which the new administration had to encounter, and the exertions requisite to remedy the public evils, and restore order and prosperity. The Abbé de Montesquiou introduced his exposé by some observations on the prodigious loss of men occasioned by the warlike enterprises of the late government, and stated the amount of the calls made since the end of the Russian campaign, at 1,300,000, of which, however, the last levies fortunately had not been made. Hence might be estimated the amazing destruction incurred by these wars; and although it appeared in some measure to be counteracted by an increase of births, this had been in part occasioned by the number of improper marriages, which had been contracted to avoid the conscriptions, as was proved by an increased population under the age of 20 years, whilst that of the superior ages was extremely diminished. Proceeding to particulars, it was observed that agriculture had made a real progress in France, which had commenced before the Revolution, but had

been much accelerated by new causes since that epoch. Faults of the government had however impeded the operation of these causes. The continental system had been ruinous to the vineyards in different parts; and the forced attempts to introduce the Merino breed of sheep, had rather tended to the deterioration than the improvement of the flocks. The establishment of studs had been more successful, but the late wars had occasioned the loss of 230,000 horses. A sensible increase had taken place in the working of mines, of which, in all the dif ferent kinds, there were now 478 wrought in the French territory. Manufactures had greatly suffered from the obstacles to the importation of raw materials, and the impediments to foreign demand. At Lyons, the looms of which in 1787 there were 15,000, were reduced in the late war to 8,000; and the other branches of manufacture had experienced a similar declension. Commerce had been reduced to narrow speculations with small gains; and the system of licences had proved the ruin of a great number of merchants, by raising hopes that were destroyed by the same will which had fostered them. The next head of the statement referred to the administration of the interior, under which were a variety of details, showing the augmentation of burdens, to which the departments had been subjected, and the diversion of funds from their proper objects. The wretched state of the hospitals was particularly noticed; and it was stated that the war department was indebted to those of Paris fór, sick and wounded sol

diers alone, near 1,400,000 francs. With respect to public works, it was said that great enterprizes had been undertaken, some from motives of utility, many from ostentation, or for purposes unconnected with the advantage of the country. Thus, while magnificent roads were opened on the frontiers, those of the interior were neglected. The canals were in a better state, but their works were far from completion, and would require much additional expense. The improvements at Paris had been particularly attended to, as a means of parading magnificence and obtaining popularity. Some of them were really useful, and those for mere embellishment should not be abandoned, though their expense had been estimated at 53,500,000 francs, of which more than 24,000,000 had already been laid out upon them.

Under the head of War Ministry, the statements deserve peculiar notice, as calculated to impress upon every thinking mind a conviction, that among all the financial evils pressing upon governments, those arising from war are beyond comparison the greatest. "Hence (says the report) originated the disorder which extended to all the other branches; and the disasters of the three last campaigns have plunged this department, already so complicated, into a complete chaos." On the 1st of May last, the land forces of France amounted to more than 520,000 men of all descriptions, besides which there were about 122,600 enjoying half pay. The prisoners returning from different countries, and the staff of the army, added near 161,900 to the number. The whole of the war

expenses for 1814, in their dif ferent branches, are estimated at 740 millions of francs, and the arrears due, at 261 millions. The head of Ministry of Marine exposes the folly and mischief of the plans of the late government in the naval department, particularly the projected invasion of Englaud, and the scheme of making the Scheld a grand naval depôt. - It observes, that latterly seamen had been regarded as only eventual recruits for the laud army, that all the arsenals are completely dilapidated, and the immense naval stores collected by Lewis XVI. are squandered away, and that the debt of the navy exceeds 61 millions. The article of Finances, after stating the manner in which the late government contrived to conceal its deficits, and the vast anticipations made by it, and misapplication of funds from their appropriate uses, gives the aggregate sum of 4,645,469,000 francs, as the increase of the public debts in the course of 13 years. To all this load of mischief, the report adds the moral evils that have accrued to France, during this period of corruption and misgovernment, the annihilation of public spirit, the suppression of noble and generous sentiments, and the conversion of religion and systems of education into mere tools of power. It concludes, however, with fostering hopes of the recovery of the nation from this state of difficulty and depravation, provided it will zealously concur in the efforts of the king and the two chambers, and not by a restless turbulence destroy the blessings of which peace affords it the prospect.

Such were the general contents