the country. I only ask you to bear in mind that the documents which I lay before you are all those of Roman Catholics themselves-there is not a word derived from Protestant authority among them.

First, then, permit me to read you a passage from a speech of Mr. Sheil in the published volume containing his speeches, and some of Mr. O'Connell's. It is as follows:

Extracts from Mr. Sheil's Speech on Simultaneous Meetings.

"Mr. Sheil said-The Catholics of Ireland-in other words, seven millions of the inhabitants of this country, have been called on to assemble-a summons has been issued to the Irish people to gather in simultaneous conventions. They have been enjoined to meet in the temples of their ancient creed at the same moment. The priest will appear in his stole-he will ascend the steps of the altar-he will offer the holy and mysterious sacrifice, and lift up the chalice with his consecrated hands to heaven. His fellow believers will bow down in the performance of that solemn and venerable rite, and when the divine oblation shall have been concluded, the minister of a worship endeared by long suffering for its sake to the people, will turn round and say, 'I am a citizen as well as a priest, and in my double character, and in the name of your country and your God, I call on you to seek redress for the wrongs of the one, and to relieve from shame the religion of the other? This language, a language like this, uttered at the same instant from every altar in this country, will achieve much. I am not in the habit of making any vaunt of what I have done in this great cause-but I own that I cannot suppress an emotion of pride at having been the first to suggest a project which is not the least easy, because it is bold, and to which I look as the principal means of accomplishing the equalization of all classes of the Irish people, and through that equalization, the lasting peace and the tranquillity of the country. When once the cabinet behold the whole population completely organized and arrayed, they will not be deaf to our requisition for redress. Confiding not only in the justice, but in what is far better than the justice of our cause, and putting, as I do, my last, almost my only trust in the power, and the union, and consolidation of the great community to which I belong, I shall say more :-No wise minister will dare to withhold what seven millions demand, not only with an impassioned ardour and a vehcment adjuration, but what is far more important-what they demand together, and call for in the name of justice at once." certain extent I will speak out, and ask, Whether, if seven millions of the Irish people are thus marshalled, it be possible that their rights should long be kept back?-Who will be sufficiently bold to answer in

*

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Here is another return, taken from another of their own papers, which is called a record of documents and proceedings connected with the O'Connell Tribute for 1835; it gives the divisions of the spheres of contribution, and what is that division? It organizes Ireland into parochial divisions; the number given is one thousand two hundred and seventy-seven parishes. Every movement connected with Mr. O'Connell is a movement of priests for the domination of papal tyranny. Let us now consider what is the agency in which these reverend theologians are occupied? Is it only in replenishing the purse of their parliamentary puppets?

Here is a specimen of their invaluable political exertions—no less than a sermon—a sermon taken down in short-hand from the lips of the pirest who delivered it, and proved before a Committee of Parliament.

Extract from Father Kehoe's address to his Congregation, from the altar

of the chapel at Leighlin-Bridge, on Sunday, June 14, 1835.

"The Conservatives say a large number of soldiers are come to Carlow, but they have received strict orders not to escort the voters; so you have all in your own hands. Besides, the government has sent down three magistrates, who are to have the entire command of the army, to the exclusion of all the county magistrates; so, good

people, all is in

your own power, and this government, too, is very different from the last. But the Conservative landlords threaten to leases; that they can't do. Why so? They

deprive you of your

dare not, though they are most anxious to wallow up to their knees in

human blood-in

your

blood, good people-and to bring about the

their object is, to bring your daughters to sons to beggary. But they dare not. Why?

re be lion of 1798; and

prostitution, and

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landlord ejects, that

Because, before the end of this Session of Parliament, a body of poor

laws will be in force,
same landlord will be

and every tenant that every
obliged

to support. And who are these bloody

landlords-these tyrannical despots? Why, they are fellows whose

nanies were not known

now possess; but a time

when your ancestors possessed the land they ill soon come that will oblige them to prove

what right and title they have to their possessions. Well, good

to your religion, your country, and your

God, in spite of the tyranny of your landlords?

Is there any man wil 1

tell me that agitation has done nothing for Dow? Although Catholics are still kept

Ireland. Where are tithes

First Appendix, IX.

out of office or emolument, still there is no such thing as tithes now-I mean, you no longer have to pay tithes, but a pitiful land-tax, and we'll soon put an end to that too. The Protestant clergy are now very different from what they were-they are no longer the fine gentlemen they were, but are in a sad hobble, and we'll make them in a greater hobble; for, instead of bringing up their sons and daughters to be gentlemen and ladies, they will be glad to bring them up to be farmers and tradesmen like yourselves, good people."

This is a sermon-a priest's sermon. I hope you are not in the habit of hearing such sermons in the Kirk of Scotland-but let me call your attention to consider for a moment what must be the state of a poor misguided population, stimulated by the instructions of such infallible guides as these-and whose agent was this priest? in whose service was this harangue delivered?-the place is that very county, the county of Carlow, which Mr. O'Connell is reported in the public papers to have sold as a rotten borough.*

Is this tender union, then-this sacred tie of their religion between demagogues and priests which Mr. Sheil so eloquently described-is this abolished? Mr. Sheil shall answer for himself. Here is an appeal of his own to these divines, bearing date only the 15th of last month. The circumstance to which he alludes, and on which he makes this pathetic appeal is, that Dr. Murray was not admitted when balloted for as a member of the Dublin Society. Mr. Sheil's letter is addressed to the people of Tipperary, and contains the following passage:-

Mr. Sheil's appeal to the people of Tipperary, December 15, 1835: "I appeal to all, but above all, to the clergy. Priests of Tipperary, if the Conservatives, when out of office, exhibited the feeling by which they are actuated, in the ignominious rejection of an archbishop of your church from a literary establishment supported by the public money, what will they do if, unhappily, they shall be restored to their domination? Has not every one of you felt it as an insult to himself? Does not every emotion of virtuous anger glow in your bosoms at this outrage offered in the person of that admirable prelate, to the people and to the clergy? On you I call at this juncture. Invoke your flocks, and tell them that at this great crisis every thing is Let them pour in their notices-let them appear in hun quarter sessions, and let the Conservatives see that the people of Tipperary is not to be corrupted-that their co be daunted—and that their strength can never be sul

• First Appendix, X.

the affirmative? is it wise-is it-aye, that is the word--is it safe to continue the system by which such results are generated ?"

Again--" The press, I repeat it, is the trumpet into which I put my spirit. I feel as if I stood upon some great eminence, and from that elevation addressed myself to congregated millions. To them, and not to you, I speak and say, Slaves,

slaves, you are seven millions--know your own strength-appreciate your power. It is no longer fitting that a handful of men should lord it over you. Meet on the same day-at the same moment; meet loyally, legally, and constitutionally; but meet-assemble round your altars and your priests-let the rites of your church be celebrated-let the chalice ascend, and the cross be lifted up, and then raise your voices for liberty together. Raise such a call for freedom as shall travel through every department of the state. Let the representatives of the people hearken to that burst of anguish from the people's hearts; let it reach into the lofty halls of the titled senate, and amidst the luxurious recesses of the kingly palace. Let it not be unheard. Let a shout go forth for freedom, at which England will start-to which France will not be deaf -at which princes shall be amazed, and cabinets shall stand appalled. Call for freedom, and call for it as your right-call for it in the name of reason-call for it in the name of justice-call for it in the name of expediency-call for it in the name of safety-call for it legally but determinedly—and, above all, let seven millions call for it together." O'Connell and Sheil's Speeches, pp. 368-371.

An eloquent appeal, you will admit. Let me now lay before you how this gentleman's appeal was responded to. Let me show you whether he sent forth this call to his priests in vain. I am now about to read the history of the fact; the history, observe, written by an historian who was not only an eye-witness, but an actor in these scenes; who knew what he wrote, what reflections to make on it, and what were the views, facilities, energies, and ends of all engaged in the cause. This history is written by Mr. Wyse, now a member of Parliament, a gentleman, no doubt, of most credible veracity; and of these simultaneous meetings he relates as follows:

Extract from Mr. Wyse's "History of the late Catholic Association," vol. i. pp. 301-303.

"The meetings were ordered to be held on an appointed Sunday after mass, in every parish in the country; the form of the petitions was to be sent down by the Association, and, when passed, were, without delay, to be transmitted to the secretary. This arrangement was ob

vious and simple. The day was fixed by a resolution of the Association, and simultaneous meetings were held in every parish in Ireland (on the same day and at the same hour, 21st January, 1828); meetings were held in upwards of 1500 Catholic churches, and it has been calculated on the presumption of 1000 persons having attended such meetings (certainly a moderate average), that not less than one million five hundred thousand persons were simultaneously assembled for the same object on this impressive occasion.-Evening Post.

"The principal point to be attained was, 'to habituate the people to obey at a moment's warning the resolutions and commands of the Association. The Association would have been unwise in limine in attempting any thing which could tend to render doubtful this disposition. It gave orders easy to be complied with, and the facility of its execution of itself produced and confirmed the habit. The people did not examine very narrowly into the nature of the machinery employed; they attributed it exclusively to the will and the power of the Association, and to the Association they began to look more and more every day for the direction of every particular of their conduct. The progress, though gradual, was most perceptible. There was no difficulty in assembling the people upon Sunday. This repeated would have soon rendered it equally easy to have assembled them on a weekday. Once such assemblies had become practicable, at the decree of the Association, the entire population of Ireland would be in its hands. What could have prevented it from making use of this power? It would have been a matter only of a piece of paper, and of four-andtwenty hours."

Again,

"The people met without arms, and for the peaceable purpose of petitioning; but they met at once-they met on the same day-above all, they met by order of the Association. What if the Association, at some later period, had ordered them to meet with arms, for the purpose, not of petitioning against, but resisting tithes, &c. &c., would they have disobeyed? The fulcrum and the power were found-the lever could be applied to any thing."

The historian informs us of the object of these movements. He does not allow us to resort to the miscalculations of conjecture on the point. He tells us plainly, in speaking of Mr. O'Connell's return from Clare :—