towards moderation, equity, and pity. Many reasons present themselves, for us to act, and prompt us to adopt violent measures; and as many also offer themselves, for abstaining and making us repent of what is done. Enjoyments produce satiety; abstinence, idleness, and sloth, produce enuui: every thing in man, both within and without him, conspires against the tranquillity of his mind and body. The civilized man is highly endowed with foresight and remembrance, he hopes or he fears for the future, and rejoices for or regrets what is past; insomuch, that the actual moments of his life are hardly paid attention to. In this point of view, it is really true, that there is a sort of compensation in all conditions, and in all stations, be they ever so high or low. It should, therefore, be acknowledged, that religious sentiments are of more importance to man, in a civilized state, than politicians, in general, have hitherto allowed them to be. A Letter to Lord Liverpool, on the very eminent importance of Sicily to Great Britain, &c. 8vo. pp. 36. mingham. For the author. 1814. - Bir If British statesmen fail of being the most masterly politicians on the face of the earth, it is entirely their own fault; and they must be personally responsible for their deficiences: for, surely, they have a greater number of assistants in their arduous duties, than the public of ficers of any other nation whatever. Volunteer coadjutors start up daily, and recommend,-now, a country;-then an island; this part of the world,-ano- | ther part of the world: and whatever is wrong Britain is to set all to rights! Happy Britain, whose power, skill, and policy, embrace all !-But what say the people of those countries? Have they committed to us this duty, or privilege? Perhaps, we had better let them take their own course, and mind our own business. That is not the advice given by this Birmingham workman to Lord Liverpool. He sees the duty of the British nation clearly; and would his Lordship but put on his spectacles! mingham advisers at home, and opposing claimants abroad, they will find it difficult to get forward in such a manner as may really benefit, or satisfy any :more likely they may offend all. 4 Sermon, preached at the Cathedral Church of Winchester, September 15, 1814. By the Rev. Henry Woodcock, Rector of Michelmersh, in the county of Southampton. At the 146th Annual Meeting of the Charitable Society of Natives and Citizens, for Apprenticing the Children of the Poor, which was instituted in the Year 1668, in consequence of a dreadful Visitation of the Plague, that came upon the City of Winchester at that time. Rivington and Hatchard, London.. We gather from the advertisement to this Discourse that of the citizens of Win. chester, a part, perhaps the majority, considered the preacher as saying too much about doctrinals, and too little about practicals; as enlarging on high Calvinism, and low Calvinism, for getting the Charity, on behalf of which he ought to have been pleading. We can say, for ourselves, that a charity now at its hundred and forty-sixth annual meeting, greatly raised our curio sity; and we had determined to give it a place among our examples of Benevolence :-but, on examination, not a word of historical information, nor of the present state of the Institution; no report of the advantages heretofore derived to the city, or of the number of apprentices under the actual protection of the charity, could we discover. Whether its receipts equal the expenditure, or whe ther it be deeply in debt, Mr. Woodcock leaves us completely in the dark. We should have thought Winchester a city of sufficient size,-and not of more than sufficient size-for the conduct of an experiment like this Charity, on a fair After all, this island of Sicily, if re- and satisfactory scale. We should have port say true, is likely to give the British thought too, that in the course of so Ministry quite as much mortification, many years, some distinguished charac and trouble enough too, as they will ters might have been fostered to emicare to sustain; so that between Birnence, under the patronage of this So Outlines of the Science of Politics, for the tion, of riches, and the means of acquiring them; of the powers of the husband and the father, &c. In the three following he treats of governments and revolutions; all is com pletely deduced and connected together in a masterly manner. The author enumerates the different after the fall of the Roman empire. (7.) Universal right, hereditary succession, property on paying of taxes; Sweden and Norway, at all times; now almost general throughout Western Europe. A small tract of the description of this systems of civilization, as being, (1.) the system of Castes; still extant in Hindosbefore us, containing the elements of Po- tan, and formerly in Egypt. (2.) The litical Science, with a general view of Theocracy,-the Hebrews, anciently; Thithe statistics of the powers of Europe, bet. (3.) No distinction by birth, or sufficient to enlighten the minds of cur- hereditary property; in China, Persia, sory readers, is much wanted. Nobody Turkey. (4.) Two classes only, nobles can have attended to discourses on the and slaves; Carthagenians, Greeks, Rosubject of politics, on the interests of the mans. (5.) Nobles and serfs; Russia, several powers, and on their relative Poland, Hungary. (6.) The feudal, or strength, &c. without regretting the ig-military system; prevalent in Europe, norance that prevails on those important points. This little pamphlet takes a summary view of the subject, and presents useful rudiments; but, being intended, as the title expresses, for the use of Universities, it is not that popular production, for which we wish. The wrtier pays too much attention to the ancients: Aristotle is his favourite; but, who consults Aristotle, on a question of modern concern and enquiry? What the author says, is with some slight exceptions, well said; and the picture he draws of the feelings of the ancients on the subject of their slaves, and of slavery in general, does credit to his own humanity, and still more to the holy and benevolent Religion in which it is our happiness to be instructed. Montesquieu, is considerably lowered by this writer; and not altogether without reason. A short specimen of the tract may be sufficient. We are perfectly informed of the nature of this system by Greek and Roman authors, chiefly by Aristotle, who has given a a treatise on politics which may be deemed a master-piece of human sagacity. It were to be wished that he had laid more stress on the influence of religion, and especially that he had not so far abused his logical powers as to maintain by arguments the most specious that slavery was founded in nature and not the mere result of violence, (at least in Europe.) With these exceptions, this immortal genius, throughout the whole of his work, exposes with great clearness, and with the most pointed reasoning, his own system of civilization. The first book gives an interesting detail of the formation of society, of the city, of family organizaVOL. I. New Series. Lit. Pan, the following: It formed for the greatest simplicity, and that It is with philosophers a very ancient complaint, that human natnre wants unity in all its parts, so that man is oftentimes in opposition and contradiction with himself. This is, however, nothing else but a principle of activity and restlessness implanted in our breasts; on one side, we find in ourselves dispositions and passions that incline us to sensuality, violence, and abuses; on the other, a secret voice that recalls us Dec. 1814. * P towards moderation, equity, and pity. Many reasons present themselves, for us to act, and prompt us to adopt violent measures; and as many also offer themselves, for abstaining and making us repent of what is done. Enjoyments produce satiety; abstinence, idleness, and sloth, produce enuui: every thing in man, both within and without him, conspires against the tranquillity of his mind and body. The civilized man is highly endowed with foresight and remembrance, he hopes or he fears for the future, and rejoices for or regrets what is past; insomuch, that the actual moments of his life are hardly paid attention to. In this point of view, it is really true, that there is a sort of compensation in all conditions, and in all stations, be they ever so high or low. It should, therefore, be acknowledged, that religious sentiments are of more importance to man, in a civilized state, than politicians, in general, have hitherto allowed them to be. A Letter to Lord Liverpool, on the very eminent importance of Sicily to Great Britain, &c. BirSvo. pp. 36. mingham. For the author. 1814. -ano If British statesmen fail of being the most masterly politicians on the face of the earth, it is entirely their own fault; and they must be personally responsible for their deficiences: for, surely, they have a greater number of assistants in their arduous duties, than the public of ficers of any other nation whatever. Volunteer coadjutors start up daily, and recommend, now, a country;-then an island; this part of the world,—a ther part of the world: and whatever is wrong Britain is to set all to rights! Happy Britain, whose power, skill, and policy, embrace all !-But what say the people of those countries? Have they committed to us this duty, or privilege? Perhaps, we had better let them take their own course, and mind our own business. That is not the advice given by this Birmingham workman to Lord Liverpool. He sees the duty of the British nation clearly; and would his Lordship but put on his spectacles! We gather from the advertisement to this Discourse that of the citizens of Winchester, a part, perhaps the majority, considered the preacher as saying too much about doctrinals, and too little about practicals; as enlarging on high Calvinism, and low Calvinism, forgetting the Charity, on behalf of, which he ought to have been pleading. We can say, for ourselves, that a charity now at its hundred and forty-sixth annual meeting, greatly raised our curiosity; and we had determined to give it a place among our examples of Benevolence-but, on examination, not a word of historical information, nor of the present state of the Institution; no report of the advantages heretofore derived to the city, or of the number of apprentices under the actual protection of the charity, could we discover. Whether its receipts equal the expenditure, or whether it be deeply in debt, Mr. Woodcock leaves us completely in the dark. We should have thought Winchester a city of sufficient size,-and not of more than sufficient size-for the conduct of an experiment like this Charity, on a fair After all, this island of Sicily, if re- and satisfactory scale. We should have port say true, is likely to give the British thought too, that in the course of so Ministry quite as much mortification, many years, some distinguished characand trouble enough too, as they will ters might have been fostered to emicare to sustain; so that between Bir-nence, under the patronage of this So Outlines of the Science of Politics, for the use of Universities in the States of Western Europe. 8vo. price 1s. 6d. Highley, London, 1814. A small tract of the description of this before us, containing the elements of Political Science, with a general view of the statistics of the powers of Europe, sufficient to enlighten the minds of cursory readers, is much wanted. Nobody can have attended to discourses on the subject of politics, on the interests of the several powers, and on their relative strength, &c. without regretting the ignorance that prevails on those important points. This little pamphlet takes a summary view of the subject, and presents useful rudiments; but, being intended, as the title expresses, for the use of Universities, it is not that popular production, for which we wish. The wrtier pays too much attention to the ancients: Aristotle is his favourite; but, who consults Aristotle, on a question of modern concern and enquiry? What the author says, is with some slight exceptions, well said; and the picture he draws of the feelings of the ancients on the subject' of their slaves, and of slavery in general, does credit to his own humanity, and still more to the holy and benevolent Religion in which it is our happiness to be instructed. Montesquieu, is considerably lowered by this writer; and not altogether without reason. A short specimen of the tract may be sufficient. We are perfectly informed of the nature of this system by Greek and Roman authors, chiefly by Aristotle, who has given a a treatise on politics which may be deemed a master-piece of human sagacity. It were to be wished that he had laid more stress on the influence of religion, and especially that he had not so far abused his logical powers as to maintain by arguments the most specious that slavery was founded in nature and not the mere result of violence, (at least in Europe.) With these exceptions, this immortal genius, throughout the whole of his work, exposes with great clearness, and with the most pointed reasoning, his own system of civilization. The first book gives an interesting detail of the formation of society, of the city, of family organizaVOL. I. New Series, Lit. Pan, tion, of riches, and the means of acquiring them; of the powers of the husband and the father, &c. In the three following he treats of governments and revolutions; all is com pletely deduced and connected together in a masterly manner. The author enumerates the different systems of civilization, as being, (1.) the system of Castes; still extant in Hindostan, and formerly in Egypt. (2.) The Theocracy, the Hebrews, anciently; Thibet. (3.) No distinction by birth, or hereditary property; in China, Persia, Turkey. (4.) Two classes only, nobles and slaves; Carthagenians, Greeks, Romans. (5.) Nobles and serfs; Russia, Poland, Hungary. (6.) The feudal, or military system; prevalent in Europe, after the fall of the Roman empire. (7.) Universal right, hereditary succession, property on paying of taxes; Sweden and Norway, at all times; now almost general throughout Western Europe. Of his leading principles, we insert the following: It formed for the greatest simplicity, and that It is utterly false, that man by nature is the civilized life only produces artificial combinations. Art is natural to man. is only necessary to reflect on the composition of the language, on the bow and arrow, on the boat and the net of the savage, in order to be convinced, that every thing with him bears the stamp of combination, standing civilized life is founded on and ac art, and industry. It is thus, that, notwithcompanied by a number of intricate institutions, this mode of living is perfectly natural to the human species. The unequal division of property, the distinctions of birth, the graduations in dignity, the different division of work and occupations, even the employing of ornamental superfluities; in short, every thing that characterizes highly civilized life, is nevertheless to be looked upon by the politician, as in harmony with our nature. Thus, as to natural and social rights, every man ought to enjoy the share that is allowed him by the customs and laws of his country; there can exist no other but by force or concession. It is with philosophers a very ancient complaint, that human natnre wants unity in all its parts, so that man is oftentimes in opposition and contradiction with himself. This is, however, nothing else but a principle of activity and restlessness implanted in our breasts; on one side, we find in ourselves dispositions and passions that incline us to sensuality, violence, and abuses; on the other, a secret voice that recalls us Dec. 1814. * P towards moderation, equity, and pity. Many reasons present themselves, for us to act, and prompt us to adopt violent measures; and as many also offer themselves, for abstaining and making us repent of what is done. Enjoyments produce satiety; abstinence, idleness, and sloth, produce ennui: every thing in man, both within and without him, conspires against the tranquillity of his mind and body. The civilized man is highly endowed with foresight and reinembrance, he hopes or he fears for the future, and rejoices for or regrets what is past; insomuch, that the actual moments of his life are hardly paid attention to. In this point of view, it is really true, that there is a sort of compensation in all conditions, and in all stations, be they ever so high or low. It should, therefore, be acknowledged, that religious sentiments are of more importance to man, in a civilized state, than politicians, in general, have hitherto allowed them to be. A Letter to Lord Liverpool, on the very eminent importance of Sicily to Great Britain, &c. 8vo. pp. 36. Birmingham. For the author. 1814. If British statesmen fail of being the most masterly politicians on the face of the earth, it is entirely their own fault; and they must be personally responsible for their deficiences: for, surely, they have a greater number of assistants in their arduous duties, than the public of ficers of any other nation whatever. Volunteer coadjutors start up daily, and recommend, now, a country;-then an island; this part of the world,-another part of the world: and whatever is wrong Britain is to set all to rights! Happy Britain, whose power, skill, and policy, embrace all !-But what say the people of those countries? Have they committed to us this duty, or privilege? Perhaps, we had better let them take their own course, and mind our own business. That is not the advice given by this Birmingham workman to Lord Liverpool. He sees the duty of the British nation clearly; and would his Lordship but put on his spectacles! After all, this island of Sicily, if report say true, is likely to give the British Ministry quite as much mortification, and trouble enough too, as they will care to sustain; so that between Bir mingham advisers at home, and opposing claimants abroad, they will find it difficult to get forward in such a manner as may really benefit, or satisfy any :more likely they may offend all. 4 Sermon, preached at the Cathedral Church of Winchester, September 15, 1814. By the Rev. Henry Woodcock, Rector of Michelmersh, in the county of Southampton. At the 146th Annual Meeting of the Charitable Society of Natives and Citizens, for Apprenticing the Children of the Poor, which was instituted in the Year 1668, in consequence of a dreadful Visitation of the Plague, that came upon the City of Winchester at that time. Rivington and Hatchard, London. We gather from the advertisement to this Discourse that of the citizens of Winchester, a part, perhaps the majority, considered the preacher as saying too much about doctrinals, and too little about practicals; as enlarging on high Calvinism, and low Calvinism, forgetting the Charity, on behalf of which he ought to have been pleading. We can say, for ourselves, that a charity now at its hundred and forty-sixth annual meeting, greatly raised our curiosity; and we had determined to give it a place among our examples of Benevolence :-but, on examination, not a word of historical information, nor of the present state of the Institution; no report of the advantages heretofore derived to the city, or of the number of apprentices under the actual protection of the charity, could we discover. Whether its receipts equal the expenditure, or whether it be deeply in debt, Mr. Woodcock leaves us completely in the dark. We should have thought Winchester a city of sufficient size,—and not of more than sufficient size-for, the conduct of an experiment like this Charity, on a fair and satisfactory scale. We should have thought too, that in the course of so many years, some distinguished characters might have been fostered to eminence, under the patronage of this So |