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very discontented. This man had undergone the horrors of the cam paigns of Moscow." P. 160. 164.

The popularity of Bonaparte in the army was admitted by different persons, as well civil as military, with whom our author conversed: although the opinion appeared to be, that the opposite sentiments of the nation at large would prevail. At the theatre, he made observations similar to his former ones, during the representation of Voltaire's Merope. At first the majority of the audience carried it decidedly, and had such airs played as denoted considerable enthusiasm for the royal line. Great applause followed the passage

"Vous que tant de constance et quinze ans de misère,
Font encore plus auguste, et nous rendent plus cher."

And the application to Bonaparte was speedily made of the famous passage

"La fière ambition, dont il est devoré

Est inquiete, ardente, et n'a rien de sacré," &c. &c.

But, by degrees, as the piece proceeded, plain symptoms appeared that the feeling evidently belonging to the majority, was far indeed from unanimously that of the audience. The partisans of Bonaparte began to rally, and were strong enough to show themselves; which we believe is always a sure sign either that the preponderance or the vehemence of the majority is not very great. They made their first stand at the celebrated speech of Polifonté.

"Un soldat tel que moi peut justement pretendre

A gouvener l'etat, quand il l' a sû defendre.

Le premier qui fût roi, fût un soldat heureux."

"The

There seems at one passage of the piece to have been a kind of compromise between the contending parties, indicative of the unpopularity of the chiefs who have changed their sides. most bitter sensation," says our author, "was manifested by many people in all quarters of the house on the repetition of a striking description of time-serving politicians.”

"Non-la porte est livrée à leur troupe cruelle;
Il est environné de la foule infidelle

Des mêmes courtisans que j'ai vu autrefois

S'empresser à ma suite et ramper sous mes loix."

An English mercantile gentleman, who had peculiar opportunities of observation from the capacity in which he was residing at

Paris, (a deputy from a number of merchants who were desirous of making some commercial arrangements with the government,) confirmed all the author's conclusions respecting the disposition of the He had himself witnessed their sulkiness in repeating army. Vive le Roi after their officers at a review, and the enthusiasm of their cries of "Vive l'Empereur" as soon as they had piled their A similar incident was noticed by Mr. Shepherd himself at a review which he attended. When the general passed along the line, the officers cried "Vive le Roi." But this cry was reechoed by very few of the men, of whom the great majority maintained a sulky silence.

It would be a very dangerous delusion for the restored government to discredit the statements of their dangerous rival's popularity among his ancient companions in arms; and almost equally so to rock themselves into a secure reliance upon their own favour with the people at large. The bulk of mankind, in France especially, are by no means remarkable for constancy in their political attachments; and a just regard for their real interests too frequently yields to some unwise prejudice or capricious feeling. The memory of the conseription will not very long survive its actual burdens; nor will the glories of Napoleon's reign, its foreign triumphs, its domestic magnificence, fail to strike the mind of an ambitious and vainglorious people, before whose eyes are constantly placed the trophies of the one and the monuments of the other. Nothing in politics is more true, than that a small present evil is often sufficiently irksome to make the multitude forget vast benefits which it has been the means of purchasing: and that any attempt to appease them by recounting negative advantages, or the past evils which they have escaped, seldom produces any thing but increase of irritation. The Bourbon princes must keep these lessons of experience in their view while they have to support their very delicate character, and regulate so ticklish a nation as the French. In some most material respects they have serious disadvantages to contend with. Their accession, or restoration, was effected by foreign troops; it followed the humiliation of the French arms, hitherto triumphant beyond example; it has been attended with a permanent diminution of territory and power to the country, not easily to be concealed. They are themselves by no means men of such dazzling talents, in war especially, as to have the smallest chance of making their mighty predecessor forgotten. The illustrious head of the house, in particular, little resembles that bold and active soldier of fortune. It is rather by contrasts that he will remind his people of that brilliant though pestilential meteor.*

His Majesty squares as little with Mr. Burke's famous sketch of the beau ideal of a restored Bourbon prince: "Whoever claims a right by birth to govern there," says that most profound writer, " must find in his breast, or must conjure up ia it, an

When discontents recall the past times to the people's vain recol lection, it is to be feared that the trophies which have been won will only shine the brighter in the gloom that will now surround them. To despise such discontents would in any princes be the extreme of folly; but in those who are deficient in so many of the means of allaying them, it would be so very insane, that we may almost pronounce it impossible. Rather let us hope that a full use will be made of the means which they do possess-that they will govern equally and mildly-keeping faith with their subjects, and shunning wars, how loudly soever the public voice may call for victory, in the conviction that defeat being in their case most likely, will also prove most ruinous.

The English reader will naturally be desirous of knowing what kind of legislative assemblies the French have received as their compensation for all the sufferings of the revolution. The anecdotes of the two Chambers, contained in this volume, are interesting; and show, indeed, the wide difference between those bodies and the English houses of parliament. Something, no doubt, is to be set down to the account of the national character; prone to représentation, pomp, and what we term theatrical effect. But more, we fear, is due to defects which time only can cure-the want of experience, the want of materials of which to form parlia ments, and of a vigilant public to watch with interest, and yet with jealousy, the proceedings of the legislature.-From some things here related, we should rather think the lower house, or chamber of deputies, had been formed on the model of the French academy, or National Institute, than of that best exemplar (with all its defects) the English house of commons. The death of each member who happens to die is celebrated by a funeral oration, or éloge. Such a ceremony must needs, in most cases, become bombastical and ridiculous;in almost all it is trifling;-and in all it is destructive of its own object, by being indiscriminately performed. No such absurdity was committed during the revolutionary times. With all their faults, trifling and unmeaning mummery was not their failing;-they had far too much real business on their hands to preach funeral sermons at their sittings. Another absurdity, of the same stamp, is the receiving presents of works f authors and booksellers, and acknowledging them in the with formal votes of thanks." I have seen reed

energy not to be expected, perhaps not always to be

The lawful prince must have, in every thing but

He is gone, if he imagines himself the qui

for it as much after an apparent conqu

leave posterity to enjoy and to ador

ways (I speak nearly to the lett

is the result of much patien

likely to alter."-Remar whole passage is well

[graphic]

Shepherd, "with all gravity, in the procès-verbal of the Corps Legislatif, the presentation of " an Ode on the Restoration of the Bourbons." And the proceedings of August 9th were opened by-"l'homage d'une production destinée à l'instruction de la jeunesse, et intitulée l' Abeille Française, par M. l'Abbé Cordier." We extracted the account of a visit to the Institute :-the following, to the house of deputies, is a fit pendant to it :..

"On our entrance into the great gateway, we were stopped by a military guard; but on our announcing ourselves Englishmen, were permitted to proceed. We then made our way into an anteroom, when a doorkeeper told us we could not be admitted into the gallery without tickets. But on my observing to him, that my friend the baron had informed me that tickets were not necessary, he opened the door, and introduced us into the body of the hall. Here we found two or three members of the Corps Législatif, and about half a dozen ladies. The hall is a very handsome room, in the form of a half oval. It is ornamented with six statues, representing Lycurgus, Solon, Demosthenes, Brutus, Cato, and Cicero. Under the president's chair are two figures in bas-relief of History and Renown. Immediately below are stools appointed for the huissiers. One or two benches, covered with blue leather, are appropriated to such of the king's ministers as may have occasion to attend the assembly. On the entrance of several members, clothed in their full costume, a blue coat ornamented with gold lace, we withdrew into the gallery, the first bench of which was reserved for the ladies. When the president had taken his chair, he gave notice of the commencement of business by ringing a bell. The procès-verbal of the last sitting was read, and the presentation of twe or three pamphlets was announced. A member then rose, and walking across the room, ascended the tribune, and read a speech proposing a free import and export of commodities into France, which was received with murmurs of disapprobation. When the orator had finished by a motion, one or two members rose, and waddling across the floor, mounted the rostrum in succession, and said a very few words; after which the question was put, and almost unanimously agreed, that "there was no room to deliberate" upon the proposition which had just been made. The president then proceeded to read the result of several ballots for committees, after which he terminated the sitting. Though this day's proceedings were far from being interesting, there was such a disposition to tumults among the members, that the president was obliged two or three times to reduce them to order, by ringing his bell. The reading the speeches has a very flat effect, and the transit from the benches, and the tribune, must tend to damp a speaker's fire. Many years must elapse before the Corps Législatif of France will emulate the well-regulated activily and promptitude of our house of commons." P. 261-263.

We cannot better close this article than by the anecdote related of that stern and honest republican Carnot-a man whose sci

entific attainments, and extraordinary talents, both in war and peace, all Europe has acknowledged;-whose errors have at least been consistent, and redeemed, as far as such errors can be redeemed, by long and various persecutions;-whose principles, how much soever we may differ from him, we must admit he has acted on, and suffered for, with the coolness of a philosopher, and the zeal of a martyr.

"Of all the men of abilities who had figured upon the stage of the revolution, Carnot had been most steady in his opposition to Bonaparte. He had voted against his being appointed consul for life; and had declared his disapprobation of his assumption of the imperial dignity. His courage, however, had won the respect of Napoleon, who had suffered him to live in unmolested retirement. But when the allies had entered France, and Bonaparte was surrounded by difficulties, he addressed to him a letter, in which, after reminding him that, in the days of his splendour and prosperity, he had studiously kept aloof from him, he declared he was ready to render him his best services in the season of his distress. It is an instance of the decision of Bonaparte's character, that, in consequence of this letter, he entrusted the man who had been so long his declared enemy, with the defence of the important city of Antwerp." P. 242, 243.

Sermons, chiefly on Particular Occasions. By ARCHIBALD ALISON, LL. B. Prebendary of Sarum, Rector of Rodington, Vicar of High Ercal, and Senior Minister of the Episcopal Chapel, Cowgate, Edinburgh. 8vo. pp. 466. Edinburgh. 1814. {The great beauty of the extracts from Alison's Sermons have induced us to republish this article, though we are far from agreeing with the reviewer in his opinion of the superior usefu:ness of that kind of preaching in which Mr. Alison excels. The first, though not the only duty of the preacher, is to teach the doctrines he professes; but the divines of that school, which has received the sanction of the Edinburgh Review, aim merely at exciting the imagination, and gratifying the taste of their hearers. The concluding sneer at the labours of Horsley is unworthy the reviewer, and insulting to the memory of a great man.]

[From the Edinburgh Review.]

THE style of these sermons is something new, we think, in the literature of this country. It is more uniformly elevated, more profusely figured-and, above all, more curiously modulated, and balanced upon a more exact and delicate rythm, than any English composition in mere prose with which we are acquainted. In these, as well as in some more substantial characteristics, it reminds us more of the beautiful moral harangues that occur in the

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