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London, the seat and heart of the em- will account for the industry exhibitpire, where the life-blood of the law ed by the natives of that country in must be supposed to circulate with general. And yet you will not find most activity and energy, and where, them selfish and inhospitable. if the population be in proportion of the contrary, charity, parental affecfive to one, the felonies committed, tion, honesty, and hospitality, are exand the consequent capital punish-ercised and cherished by the Irish ments, are, upon a moderate calcula-peasantry, from the dictates of huma tion, as FIFTY to ONE, compared with those of Dublin. I say not this in disparagement of London or of its Police, which I know to be admirable and most efficiently constructed, but as a just ground of cordial congratulation; furnishing powerful evidence of the increased spirit of subordination, and of the IMPROVING habits and manners of the lower classes of this great city and county."-Such is the testimony of a Judge of Ireland in favour of the population of the metropolis of that island, consisting mostly of Catholic inhabitants, the lower class of which may be considered as wholly so. 'Tis true the Judge attributes this improvement of the people to the unwearied and vigilant exertions of their police establishment. Without wishing to derogate from the pretensions of the civil power, I find myself compelled by justice to impute this proud and honourable instance of the virtuous conduct of my Irish brethren to the unceasing and indefatigable endeavours of the Catholic priesthood to instil the pure principles of religion and morality into the minds of their numerous flocks, and the docility and attention which the latter pay to the genuine and disinterested maxims, laid down by the former for the government of their conduct relative to their country and their neighbours. In fact, the situation of the respective countries in regard to moral habits will bear no comparison. In England, according to Mr. Cobbett's calculation, we have now upwards of 1,800,000 paupers; in Ireland they have no poor-rates, and consequently, as the poor cannot apply to the parish for relief, they have no paupers, but every one knows he must rely upon his own labour for support, and this

nity and religion, in a particular de-
gree, which distinguishes them as much
from the description given by Mr.
Cobbett of his own countrymen, as
the real principles of the Catholic re-
ligion do from those which his cor-
respondent has attempted to fix upon
it. Let Mr. Cobbett take a personal
view of the country, the inhabitants
of which he has stigmatised as super-
stitious and ignorant-let him enter
the hut of an Irish Catholic peasant,
and there he will see the aged parent
seated by the fire, nourished and pro-
tected in the decline of life by his
child, and not discarded from his roof,
and sent to pine for the remainder of
his days in a workhouse. Let Mr. C.
present himself as a weary and way-
lost traveller at the door of an Irish
cottier, and he will not only find a
hearty welcome, but the best fare his
cot will afford set before him; and
after he has rested and refreshed him-
self, he will also find his host volun-
teer to put him in his right road; but,
offer him money in return for his kind
attention, and you will see the flame
of disinterestedness glow in his cheek,
while he will decline the gift with a
noble and generous mind peculiar to
the natives of that hospitable, but in-
sulted and abused country. But how
can we expect that men can be vir-
tuous-how can we expect an improve-
ment in the morals of the inhabitants
of this country, when such pains are
taken to delude and deceive them—
when falsehood and detraction are the
weapons which are used to stem the
progress of Popery? Did the enemies
of the Catholic religion combat us
upon the same principles as we expose
their errors-did they wield the sword
of TRUTH against us, we should have
less reason to complain. But, no;

they know it will not do; and there- | regular habits, and that in this neighfore they resort to those disgraceful bourhood, outrage, immorality, or means which may serve their turn for disorder, is unknown, which forms a a fime, but which will ultimately fall striking contrast to many parts of Ire upon their own shoulders. Should land where devotion has been negpeace be happily preserved upon the lected. I do hope, Gentlemen, that, Continent, I have no doubt but the as that Picture's personal merit in Catholic religion will again revive, France saved it from sacrilege during and I fear the most enlightened of all the Revolution, that it may have the Protestants, those who think it an es- effect to encourage piety, respect for sential quality in a legislator to swear our parents, and good-will towards that the greatest part of the inhabi- mankind here." tants of Christendom ARE IDOLATERS, will be looked upon by foreign nations in a light not very flattering to their feelings: the foreign papers have already begun to express their sentiments upon the subject. If Mr. Cobbett is really desirous of seeing the people of this country virtuous, I would recommend to him, in preference to his abusing the Pope and the Jesuits, to adopt the following excellent sentiments contained in Lord Blayney's answer to an address of thanks, which the Catholic inhabitants of the parish of Muckno presented to his Lordship, in consequence of that excellent nobleman having presented them with a fine painting of St. Sebastian, as an altar-piece to their chapel: "To combat," says his Lordship, "false notions and prejudices, which formerly prevailed, is a duty incumbent on all who have the means of resisting them. As such I conceived that the grand obstacle to Civilivation and Industry, which has so long checked the Genius of this Country, arose from the means, intentionally pursued, to keep the lower orders in Ignorance. Under this impression, when a prisoner in France, it appeared to me, that the most effectual mode to elevate the sentiments of the Lower Classes, was by rendering Religion, of whatever persuasion, respectable, for which purpose (since my return) the Houses for Divine Worship in the Church of England, Catholic, and Presbyterian, have occupied my attention, and I am happy to say that these exertions have insensibly been the cause of creating orderly, sober, and

Let Mr. Cobbett follow the suggestions here pointed out by Lord Blayney, and exhort his readers to do the same. Let him endeavour to make religion respectable, and he will render a more essential service to his country, than by joining the servile wretches of a venal and prostituted press in the trade of calumny and falsehood. And here I leave him for the present.

TO THE CATHOLIC LAITY. As the sentiments conveyed in my last, namely, that the question of the Veto is now reduced by us to a mere civil question, seems not to be clearly understood; and as some of my reve rend friends think I cannot maintain the ground which I have taken, in stating that in the event of Quaran totti's Rescript being adopted by his Holiness, we ought to resist it by all the constitutional means in our power; while others contend, that the subject, of the Nun-baiting Order being purely. a spiritual question, I had no authority to notice it; I shall offer a few further remarks to your attention, in the hope of placing the subject in a more perspicuous light, and of convincing you still more of the urgent necessity we labour under of petitioning for free and unrestricted rights. Before I proceed further, however, I shall just observe, that in adopting the line of argument which I pursued in my address to you, my intention was not to weaken the spiritual authority, by making it the instrument of obtaining honours for the aristocracy of our body; but to support it against the

vile attempts now making to subdue | cided opinion, that "it is inexpedient

its independence, and render it subservient to the intrigues of a few avaricious and unprincipled place-hunters. One of my friends writes thus: "I do not think the ground which you take to oppose the Veto tenable. You call it a mere civil question, and assert that to submit to regulations from Rome upon the subject would be a violation of our oath of allegiance. Now, the Veto, and indeed Catholic Emancipation in its fullest extent, is certainly a mixed question, in which Religion and Politics are in great danger of clashing with each other." That the question, as taken up by the English Board, is a mixed one, I am ready to allow; but that it is so on the ground on which the Catholic Laity at large now make their stand, I positively deny; because they have rejected the Veto, as inimical both to their religious and civil privileges. And this they found necessary to do, from the developement of circumstances, which clearly demonstrated that the extinction of their religion was not only threatened, but even the existence of those very privileges which they seek to enjoy. They therefore resolved, in the most explicit manner, to separate the two authorities, to prevent their clashing together, and to preserve that harmony which should always exist between them. It was consequently reduced to a plain civil measure, excluding the clergy from all danger of seduction and temptation, and leaving the laity, for whose exclusive benefit the struggle is made, to gain the battle by themselves. To make this appear more clear to you, my friends, I shall recapitulate the transactions of the last four

years, which I intend to do in as few words as possible. The object of a Veto was first publicly announced in the Session of 1808, and created considerable alarm throughout Ireland. In the month of September in the same year, the venerable Hierarchy of that island assembled in Dublin, and solemnly resolved that it was their de

to introduce any alteration in the canonical mode hitherto observed in the nomination of the Irish Roman Catholic Bishops."-Here was a solemn decision from the proper authority upon a case purely spiritual, and the laity hailed it with an enthusiasm and reverence due to the unspotted integrity of their beloved Prelates. Had such been the conduct of those who assumed to themselves to be the leaders of the English Catholics, much contention would have been avoided, while unity and patriotism would have marked the progress of our little body. But the selfish views of these gentlemen prevented them from coinciding with their Irish brethren in pursuing their emancipation upon constitutional grounds, and they therefore had recourse to intrigue, to involve the spiritual power in the attainment of their temporal rights. It was evident that the Veto was not required by our Parliamentary Friends for the security of the State, but of the Established Church; not to ascertain the loyalty of our Bishops, but to obtain their subjugation to the political purposes of the Ministry. This was confirmed by the publication of the celebrated letter from Lord Grenville to the Earl of Fingall, on the 25th of Jan. 1810. In this letter, Lord G. insisted on the Catholics granting to the Crown an effectual Veto on the appointment of their Bishops. To this letter it must also be observed, Lord Grey declared his perfect acquiescence in every sentiment contained in it. This positive declaration on the part of two of our most strenuous advocates, and the most able statesmen of the day, one would have supposed was enough to strike alarm into the breast of every Catholic who valued the independence of the spiritual anthority. Yet strange to relate, but seven days after the appearance of this important and decisive declaration, three of the ecclesiastical superiors in this country, in conjunction with the leading lay members of the Board, signed a Resolution which

This

was afterwards presented to Parlia- | Church discipline. It was hoped that ment, as a second petition from the this solemn decision of a whole Prelacy English Catholics, purporting that would open the eyes of those who had They are firmly persuaded, that unfortunately been misled, aud cause adequate provision for the maintenance them to retract the error they had unof the Civil and Religious Establish- intentionally committed; but alas! ments of this kingdom, may be made, such was not the case. The influence of consistently with the strictest adher⚫ the English Board was too strong to ence on their part, to the tenets and be immediately removed, and we were discipline of the Roman Catholic reli- doomed to witness the attempts of gion; and that ANY ARRANGEMENT making farther sacrifices of the spirifounded on this basis of mutual satis- tual authority to gratify the political faction and security, and extending to longings of an aristocratical faction. them the full enjoyment of the civil The Laity of Ireland, on the contrary, Constitution, will meet with their true to the principles of their faith, grateful concurrence." Here, then, and steady in their advances to the my friends, we find a union of the two Legislature for relief, nobly and conpowers in this country which ought to scientiously discarded all interference have been kept distinct, as we find with ecclesiastical concerns. they have hitherto been in Ireland, conduct drew forth the following enthroughout the whole of the contest. comium from their Prelates, in an In that country the clergy, knowing address to their flocks dated the 18th their sacred order did not interfere Nov. 1812. "Recurring exigencies with the things of this world, have in the course of the last few years kept themselves disentangled from the have repeatedly induced us, as Guarintricacies of political subjects, and dians of the Roman Catholic Church have left the laity to pursue their ob- in Ireland, to declare our sentiments ject of emancipation, without any in- upon the subject of its concerns; terference on their part, except when and we have had the unspeakable sathe doctrine and discipline of the faith | tisfaction of witnessing that such dethey had engaged to preach and to clarations, on our part, were received protect was threatened to be attacked. by you with that unanimity, and that Happy would it have been for us, had spirit, which proclaim to the world, such been the conduct of some of the that your invincible attachment to the clergy here. The intelligence of the creed of your ancestors hath not hiadoption and signing of the 5th Reso- therto been, and, under Divine prolution, by both Clergy and Laity,tection, never will be lessened, or having reached Ireland, the Prelates impaired by privations, penalties, or again assembled, and on the 14th Feb. hardships....That, admiring, as we do, 1810, they solemnly resolved, that it the determination of the Roman Cawas the undoubted and exclusive right tholics of Ireland, to persevere in their of Roman Catholic Bishops to discuss temperate, firm, and constitutional all matters appertaining to the doc efforts for the removal of the disabitrines and discipline of the Roman lities, which still continue to affect Catholic Church; they likewise re-them, we contemplate with peculiar. newed their unaltered adherence to the Resolution of the 14th Sept. 1808; and they condemned the 5th Resolution, in a vote of thanks to Bishop Milner for opposing it, as a vague, indefinite declaration, pledging Roman Catholics to an eventual acquiescence in arrangements possibly prejudicial to the integrity and safety of our

satisfaction the zeal, which they have evinced in their readiness to forego the attainment of civil advantages, rather than purchase them at the expence of ANY sacrifice, which might compromise or endanger the safety and integrity of their religion." This determination of the laity of Ireland, and its approbation and encourage

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ment by their bishops was a complete | Catholic Ireland, and Clergy and

counterpoise to the fifth resolution.The one was calculated to involve the question in endless difficulties and dangers to religion; while the other pointed out a clear and unequivocal method of attaining it, without hazarding the independence of our clergy, or the purity of our faith. It was not, certainly, the speediest method of accomplishing emancipation; but it was indisputably the surest way of proceeding, and that which alone we could pursue with honour to ourselves, and safety to our pastors. But honour and religion are with some men subjects of minor consideration, when put in competition with the decorations of a courtly title, or the privileges of a senator; and therefore a trial was to be made to come at the long-wished-for object of our English Board, by the assistance of intrigue and chicanery.pious, and as faithful pastors as ever Accordingly, a Bill was introduced into Parliament, purporting to be for the relief of the Catholic Body, but the clauses of which were evidently intended to enslave it, by rendering the Clergy mere tools of the ruling faction of the State, and robbing them of that independence and integrity which commands the esteem, the fidelity, and the veneration, of the laity. Let any one compare the purport of that clause of the Bill, by which it was proposed to enact that the Bishop who dared to exercise his episcopal functions without being first approved of by ministers, should be transported out of the country; and the abominably infamous and antichristian clause, which I noticed in my last, as introduced into the Bill of 1791, which was intended to force the conscience of the honest Catholic, or subject him to the penalties from which the dishonest one would have been relieved, and I think they will discover that they were forged in the same shop. The evil tendency of this specimen of the wisdom and benignity of our Protestant legislators, was quickly discovered by the whole of

Laity unanimously reprobated it.In England, however, it found abettors among those who now pretend such a veneration and attachment to the spiritual authority, and the first act which they did to evince their very great love and submission to it, was, to expel one of their ecclesiastical superiors for his honest, zealous, and incorruptible endeavours to preserve the independence and authority of the Pastors of the Church! and their thanking the framers of a Bill which was clearly intended to extinguish the pastoral power, and fix it in the State!!!-The Catholic laity were justly alarmed at this outrageous and dangerous attempt to subjugate their religion, which had stood the test of more than two centuries of persecution, and which can now boast of possessing as pure, as

served the church. The Irish prelates condemned the Bill, as schismatical; and the laity unanimously declared, from one end of the island to the other, their fixed determination, in future, to petition for unrestricted and equal rights.-In short, the General Board, in order to avoid any farther misunderstanding of the sentiments of the Catholics of Ireland, as to their future proceedings in the cause of emancipation, passed the following resolution, in December, 1813, which was confirmed by every aggregate meeting which took place in the island: "That we think it necessary, at this particular time, to readopt our Resolution of the year 1810; that, as Irishmen and Catholics, we never can or will consent to any interference on the part of the Crown, or the Servants of the Crown, in the appointment of our Bishops; and that, with every disposition to meet, as far as it can be done, the wishes of every part of our Parliamentary Friends and Protestant Fellow-Subjects, we yet feel ourselves bound to declare, that no settlement can be final or satisfactory, which has

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