for its basis, or at all involves any in- | and as they are equally punishable by novation or alteration, to be made by the civil laws, as any other class of Authority of Parliament, in the Doc- citizens, if they should transgress trine or Discipline of the Catholic them, of which there is very little Church in Ireland-that this Declara- danger, they ought in justice to be tion is not lightly made, but is equally as free; we therefore reject grounded upon the concurrence of all interference on the part of the this Board with the Prelates, and in Ministers of the Crown, in the mathe sentiments of the Catholic Body nagement of our Clergy, and we deat large, as publicly and repeatedly mand to be admitted to that rank in expressed at the several Meetings, the Constitution which the bigotry held for the last three years in every and oppression of former times depart of the kingdom." Here, then, prived us of, unrestricted and unconwe come to the point at issue. The trouled, in common with the rest of question had hitherto been considered our fellow-citizens.-This determinain a mixed shape by the legislature, tion, my friends, presents the quesin consequence of the fifth resolution tion to us in a new shape, being now adopted by the English Board, which, reduced to a complete civil and polias my respected friend very justly ob- tical object, and all arrangements in serves to me, placed the subject in ecclesiastical affairs are discarded. such a point of view, as rendered reli- Vetoism and Committees are thrown gion and politics in great danger of aside, and our rights are demanded clashing with each other. This dan on the basis of unqualified emancipager was obvious to the great mass of tion. In this state of the case, then, the laity, but not so to those who any attempt to carry the measure by expected to reap the immediate bene-means of the spiritual authority, must fits of emancipation; the former, therefore, in order to prevent a jar ring of interests, where perfect una, nimity should prevail, and considering the purity of their religion to be of far greater consequence to them than all the honours which the state can be stow, separate the two authorities, and declare that any arrangements made by Parliament in the doctrine and discipline of their church, would not be satisfactory. We, they say, consider ourselves, in consequence of the unimpeachable loyalty of our conduct, and the sacrifices we have made to our country, both in blood and treasure, in common with our fellow Subjects, entitled to an equal participation with them in the honours and privileges of the state; we consider those who swear that our faith is superstitious and idolatrous, as very unfit persons to have the appointment, or any influence in the nomination, of our Prelates or Clergy, and as they give to the state the same security, but on a more extended scale, as is required of dissenting teachers, be considered an intrusion on our political rights, and an abuse of a power which was given to the church for a very different purpose. The attempt however has been tried; and, notwithstanding the repeated and solemnly declarations of the Catholic body, that they were determined to make it strictly a LAY question, an application to the see of Rome was made, through the means of an ecclesiastical superior in this country, and a Bull or Rescript was transmitted from thence, which decreed, that the Catholics ought to, receive, with CONTENT and GRATITUDE, the bill which was proposed last year for their relief. And this brings me to the se cond objection, that we could not submit to this rescript without a vio lation of the oath of allegiance. I am aware that this is a difficult point to discuss, and one which, I should not have attempted, did not the subject ap pear sufficiently clear in my view of it. However, as I may be naistaken, I shall state my sentiments, openly and freely, and if there be any error in them, I trust some gentleman, more | mutual understanding would exist be competent to the task, will come for-tween each party, but which both ward and set me right.-By the Irish would be at liberty to dissolve, should acts of the 13th and 14th of his pre- any encroachment be made upon the sent majesty, and by the English act terms of the contract, the case would of the 31st of the same reign, all Ca- be altered; but any arrangement tholics, before they can be released agreed to by his Holiness, which subfrom the effects of the penal code, or sequently comes before parliament, admitted to the privileges granted by can and ought to be resisted, if it is those acts, must swear that they do found to entrench upon, or endanger, not believe that the Pope of Rome, our civil rights, because it then beor any other foreign prince, prelate, comes the act of the legislature, which state, or potentate, hath, or OUGHT we are all at liberty to approve or disto have, any temporal or civil juris- approve of, previous to its passing diction, power, superiority, or pre- into a law. Then it is undoubtedly eminence, directly, or INDIRECTLY, binding, but we are still at liberty to within this realm.-Now, if this be petition for its repeal.-Taking the the case, and we all know that it is rescript as approving of the clauses so, without swearing to it, how of a bill which was calculated to incould we submit to the rescript of M. troduce an unconstitutional influence Quarantotti, which decreed that we over our clergy, and as decreeing ought to have received an act of the that we ought to have submitted to it civil power, (which we considered as with gratitude, I do contend it was destructive of our political rights,) an unwarrantable interference in the with content and gratitude, and not rights of the laity, and as we had acknowledge an authority in Rome sworn that there was not, nor ought in temporal affairs. Again, we have to be, any civil jurisdiction or power firmly declared that we will not ac- in the see of Rome over us, we were cept of our emancipation, but upon compelled, in justice to our conunqualified terms, what authority sciences, and to preserve our intethen, I ask, has the see of Rome to grity and consistency, to reject the interfere with the question?-And if document-and for this reason it was his Holiness should unfortunately be rejected by both Clergy and Laity of induced to issue a Bull similar to that Ireland, and in particular by the lately sent to us, can we, without a former, as may be seen by a reference violation of our oaths, submit to be to the resolutions entered into by dictated to upon a subject which we them, and published in my number have made especially political, and for May last. Under all these cirwhich can only be decided by cumstances, why, I ask, was the see the supreme civil power of the of Rome applied to, and at a time state? Had we not rejected the re- too when the Pope and Cardinals script in the manner which we did, were dispersed and immured in the pribut, on the contrary, coincided in sons of a despot? Why was the Holy the sentiments it contained, I have See involved in a subject which reno doubt but we should have been ac-garded temporal matters only, at the cused of committing perjury, by some of our bigotted opponents, and they would have thrown in our teeth that calumny, so often refuted, that we yield a blind submission to the see of Rome, and are bound to receive whatever it teaches.-Were, indeed, an agreement to be entered into by the Pope and our Cabinet, by which a time the application was made? Was it not clearly with a view to influence the decision of the question, and intimidate the laity to submit to what they had previously rejected; and not only the laity, but the clergy also? That this was the principal intention of those who were instrumental in procuring the bull, is evi dent from the language of the docu- | description of the ancestors of his aument; and I really cannot help think-ditors: ing that it was a direct violation of the oath, I do not say a wilful one, inasmuch as it went to influence, and to my knowledge did intimidate many, on a question which then was confined to the laity and the legislature. And here, my friends, I must lament, and that I most sincerely do, that the conduct of our ecclesiastical superiors differed from that independent and irreproachable system pursued by the Prelacy of Ireland. Throughout the whole of this important affair, the venerable Hierarchy markedly kept themselves distinct from the Board; whilst the latter never called for the assistance of the former to promote their measures; but always endeavoured to steer clear of doctrinal matters, in order to prevent the clashing of the two interests. Had this method been pursued here, we might have witnessed the same unanimity in our ecclesiastical body as existed during the struggle of 1791; and we should have been spared those humiliating and mortifying scenes which we have lately been obliged to witness; nor would the Board have dared to push matters to the extremities which they have done; or the See Apostolic been involved in a question which would have been much better left to ourselves to decide. To shew how far matters have been pushed on this side the water, in consequence of lay influence, and to exhibit the lengths which the Vetoistical party will go when they find themselves attacked, I shall lay before you the following circumstance, not generally known here, and for which I am indebted to that excellent and spirited paper, The Cork Mercantile Chronicle. On the festival of St. Patrick, in the year 1810, the Rev. Dr. Ryan, of the order of St. Dominick, preached a sermon in the city of Cork, suitable to the occasion, which was afterwards printed in Dublin. In this excellent discourse, the following passage was contained, after a fine ants of such men. They have bequeathed "You, my brethren, are the descend to you an inheritance more precious than the wealth of empires:-they have be queathed to you the ancient Church of Treland, graced and supported by an un broken line of Bishops down to this day. Ages of adversity have stripped our Church of its extrinsic adventitious splen dours. The pomp of title and equipage, these ornaments which the fond partiality of our ancestors had bestowed upon it have long passed away. Whatever was worldly about it has yielded without res sacred edifice itself has stood in all its nasistance to the fury of the storm; but the tive dignity, cloathed in the simple gran deur of Christianity. The Bishops of your Church thus reduced to Apostolical poverty and plainness, have maintained their succession during a trying period of more than two hundred years. While the Hierarchy of a neighbouring Country has been annihilated WITH A SINGLE BLOW. Their election has been purely Ecclesias tical-as it ought to be in every Country: it has continued to your Church a line of Apostolical Men, who knew how to support THEIR DIGNITY in the midst of want; who, as they were not raised to their sta triguing profligate Statesmen, were not to tion through the favour or influence of inbe corrupted by ambition or gold. They were not the Minions of Power, the upstart Favourites or Dependents of the vulgar great. They had not to pay the price of their elevation in servile homage: to compromise their principles or betray their charge: they were not then weak. ened and distracted between their world ORTHOD. JOUR. VOL. III. ly pursuits and the duties of their calling: scandalising and alienating their Flocks by their levity, their avarice, and their venality, but they were such Men as were worthy to represent Saint PATRICK: they inherited the true simplicity of his character, his zeal, his constancy, and his labours. "It has been sought to pollute this ve nerable Body by making it the creature of this world. Corruption, that giant which has paralised and bound in chains the hest energies of the only Country to have exhausted its genius in the crea that ever knew rational Freedom, seemed tion of resources, when its eagle eye beheld from afar, this venerable train so long the object of its scorn, and the Pre D London, the seat and heart of the em- I will account for the industry exhibit On ed by the natives of that country in pire, where the life-blood of the law must be supposed to circulate with most activity and energy, and where, if the population be in proportion of five to one, the felonies committed, and the consequent capital punish-ercised and cherished by the Irish ments, are, upon a moderate calcula- peasantry, from the dictates of huma tion, as FIFTY to ONE, compared nity and religion, in a particular dewith those of Dublin. I say not this gree, which distinguishes them as much in disparagement of London or of its from the description given by Mr. Police, which I know to be admirable Cobbett of his own countrymen, as and most efficiently constructed, but the real principles of the Catholic reas a just ground of cordial congratu- ligion do from those which his corlation; furnishing powerful evidence respondent has attempted to fix upon of the increased spirit of subordina- it. Let Mr. Cobbett take a personal tion, and of the IMPROVING habits view of the country, the inhabitants and manners of the lower classes of of which he has stigmatised as superthis great city and county."-Such is stitious and ignorant-let him enter the testimony of a Judge of Ireland the hut of an Irish Catholic peasant, in favour of the population of the meand there he will see the aged parent tropolis of that island, consisting seated by the fire, nourished and pro mostly of Catholic inhabitants, the tected in there, nourished and pro lower class of which may be considered as wholly so. 'Tis true the Judge attributes this improvement of the people to the unwearied and vigilant exertions of their police establishment. Without wishing to derogate from the pretensions of the civil power, I find myself compelled by justice to impute this proud and honourable instance of the virtuous conduct of my Irish brethren to the unceasing and indefatigable endeavours of the Catholic priesthood to instil the pure principles of religion and morality into the minds of their numerous flocks, and the docility and attention which the latter pay to the genuine and disinterested maxims, laid down by the former for the government of their conduct relative to their country and their neighbours. In fact, the situation of the respective countries in regard to moral habits will bear no comparison. In England, according to Mr. Cobbett's calculation, we have now upwards of 1,800,000 paupers; in Ireland they have no poor-rates, and consequently, as the poor cannot apply to the parish for relief, they have no paupers, but every one knows he must rely upon his own labour for support, and this f decline of life by his child, and not discarded from his roof, and sent to pine for the remainder of his days in a workhouse. Let Mr. C. present himself as a weary and waylost traveller at the door of an Irish cottier, and he will not only find a hearty welcome, but the best fare his cot will afford set before him; and after he has rested and refreshed himself, he will also find his host volunteer to put him in his right road; but, offer him money in return for his kind attention, and you will see the flame of disinterestedness glow in his cheek, tho while he will decline the gift with a noble and generous mind peculiar to the natives of that hospitable, but insulted and abused country.-But how can we expect that men can be virtuous-how can we expect an improve ment in the morals of the inhabitants of this country, when such pains are taken to delude and deceive themwhen falsehood and detraction are the weapons which are used to stem the progress of Popery? Did the enemies. of the Catholic religion combat us upon the same principles as we expose their errors-did they wield the sword of TRUTH against us, we should have less reason to complain. But, no; regular habits, and that in this neighbourhood, outrage, immorality, or disorder, is unknown, which forms a striking contrast to many parts of Ireland where devotion has been neglected. I do hope, Gentlemen, that, as that Picture's personal merit in France saved it from sacrilege during the Revolution, that it may have the effect to encourage piety, respect for our parents, and good-will towards mankind here." Let Mr. Cobbett follow the suggestions here pointed out by Lord Blayney, and exhort his readers to do the same. Let him endeavour to make religion respectable, and he will render a more essential service to his country, than by joining the servile wretches of a venal and prostituted press in the trade of calumny and falsehood. And here I leave him for the present. they know it will not do; and therefore they resort to those disgraceful means which may serve their turn for a fime, but which will ultimately fall upon their own shoulders. Should peace be happily preserved upon the Continent, I have no doubt but the Catholic religion will again revive, and I fear the most enlightened of all Protestants, those who think it an essential quality in a legislator to swear that the greatest part of the inhabitants of Christendom ARE IDOLATERS, will be looked upon by foreign nations in a light not very flattering to their feelings: the foreign papers have already begun to express their sentiments upon the subject. If Mr. Cobbett is really desirous of see ing the people of this country virtuous, I would recommend to him, in preference to his abusing the Pope and the Jesuits, to adopt the following excellent sentiments contained in Lord Blayney's answer to an address of To THE CATHOLIC LAITY. thanks, which the Catholic inhabitants As the sentiments conveyed in my of the parish of Muckno presented to last, namely, that the question of the his Lordship, in consequence of that Veto is now reduced by us to a mere excellent nobleman having presented civil question, seems not to be clearly them with a fine painting of St. Sebas- understood; and as some of my reve tian, as an altar-piece to their chapel: rend friends think I cannot maintain "To combat," says his Lordship, the ground which I have taken, in false notions and prejudices, which stating that in the event of Quaranformerly prevailed, is a duty incum totti's Rescript being adopted by his bent on all who have the means of re- Holiness, we ought to resist it by all sisting them. As such I conceived the constitutional means in our power; that the grand obstacle to Civilivation while others contend, that the subject, and Industry, which has so long of the Nun-baiting Order being purely checked the Genius of this Country, a spiritual question, I had no authoarose from the means, intentionally rity to notice it; I shall offer a few pursued, to keep the lower orders in further remarks to your attention, in gnorance. Under this impression, the hope of placing the subject in a when a prisoner in France, it appeared more perspicuous light, and of conto me, that the most effectual mode to vincing you still more of the urgent elerate the sentiments of the Lower necessity we labour under of petitionClasses, was by rendering Religion, ing for free and unrestricted rights. of whatever persuasion, respectable, Before I proceed further, however, I purpose (since my return) shall just observe, that in adopting the the Houses for Divine Worship in the line of argument which I pursued in Church of England, Catholic, and my address to you, my intention was Presbyterian, have occupied my atten- not to weaken the spiritual authority, happy to say that these by making it the instrument of obtain exertions have insensibly been the ing honours for the aristocracy of our Cause of creating orderly, sober, and body; but to support it against the " for which tion, and I am |