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Stewart, viscount Castlereagh, one of his said Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry regiment of Militia, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, and his principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c. &c.; and his Majesty the King of Sweden, the Sieur Gotthard Maurice de Rehausen, his Envoy Extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, Colonel in his Armies, Commander of his Order of the Polar Star, and Knight of the Order of the Sword; who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed to the following Articles :

Art. 1. His Britannic Majesty agrees to pay, and his Swedish Majesty to accept the sum of 24 millions of livres, in full discharge and satisfaction of his claims under Article 9 of the Treaty of Paris. The said sum to be payable in London to his Swedish Majesty's minister, according to the rate of exchange between London and Paris at each time of payment, in twelve equal monthly instalments: the first monthly instalment to become due and payable by his Britannic Majesty one month after the ratification of the Treaty, by which the said Belgic provinces shall be incorporated with HolJand as aforesaid.

Art. 2. It is agreed and understood, that the above arrangement being contingent upon the due execution of the engagements contained in the Treaty of Paris, his Swedish Majesty's rights to compensation from his Britannic Majesty and his Allies, shall not be prejudiced by any failure or non-fulfilment of the engagements in question, but shall continue in full force and effect, unless otherwise satisfied, as if this Convention had not been made.

The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratification shall be exchanged at London within one month from the date hereof, or sooner, if possible.

In witness whereof, we, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries, in virtue of our respective full powers, have signed the present Convention, and have affixed thereto the seals of our arms.

Done at London, this 13th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1814. (L. S.) CASTLEREAGH. (L. S.) G. M. DE REHAUSEN.

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CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN, THE NETHERLANDS, AND RUSSIA.] Lord Castlereagh also presented, by command of the Prince Regent, the following Substance of a CONVENTION between his Britannic Majesty, the King of the Netherlands, and the Emperor of Russia, respectively.-Signed at London, May 19, 1815.

His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, being desirous, upon the final reunion of the Belgic provinces with Holland, to render to the Allied Powers who were parties to the Treaty concluded at Chaumont on the 1st of March 1814, a suitable return for the heavy expense incurred by them in delivering the said territories from the power of the Enemy, and the said Powers having, in consideration of arrangements made with each other, mutually agreed to wave their several pretensions under this head in favour of his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias; his said Majesty the King of the Netherlands has thereupon resolved to proceed immediately to execute with his Imperial Majesty, a Convention to the following effect, to which his Britannic Majesty agrees to be a party, in pursuance of engagements taken by his said Majesty with the King of the Netherlands, in a Convention signed at London on the 13th day of August 1814.

In consequence thereof, the three said High Contracting Parties have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries, viz. his Majesty the King of the United King of Great Bri tain and Ireland, the right hon. Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, one of his said Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry regiment of Militia, principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c. &c. &c.; his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, the Sieur Henry Baron Fagel, a member of the Corps des Nobles of the Province of Holland, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, &c. &c. &c.; and his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, the Sieur Christopher Count de Lieven, Lieutenant-general of his armies, his Aide-de-Camp General, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, Knight of the Orders of St. Alexander Newsky, of St. George of the the third class, Grand Cross of St. Vladimir of the second

class, of St. Anne of the first class, Com-, mander of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Knight of the Prussian Orders of the Black and Red Eagles, and Commander Grand Cross of the Swedish Order of the Sword, &c. &c. &c., who, after having mutually exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles:

Art. 1. His Majesty the King of the Netherlands hereby engages to take upon himself a part of the capital and arrears of interest to the 1st of January 1816, of the Russian loan made in Holland, through the intervention of the house of Hope and Co. in Amsterdam, to the amount of 25 millions of florins, Dutch currency; the annual interest of which sum, together with an annual payment for the liquidation of the same, as hereinafter specified, shall be borne by and become a charge upon the kingdom of the Netherlands; and his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland engages on his part to recommend to his Parliament to enable him to take upon himself an equal capital of the said Russian loan, viz. 25 millions of florins, Dutch currency, the annual interest of which sum, together with an annual payment for the liquidation of the same, as hereafter specified, shall be borne by and become a charge upon the Government of his Britannic Majesty.

fund, as above specified; provided always, that previously to the advance of each successive instalment so to be paid, the said agent shall be authorized to furnish a certificate to each of the said two High Contracing Parties, declaring that the preceding instalment has been duly applied in discharge of the interest, and in reduction of the principal of the said debt, together with the corresponding payments, on account of the Russian Government, on that part of the debt which shall remain a charge on the said Government.

Art. 4. The Russian Government shall continue as heretofore to be security to the creditors for the whole of the said loan, and shall be charged with the administration of the same; the Governments of the King of the Netherlands, and of his Britannic Majesty, remaining liable and bound to the Government of his Imperial Majesty, each for the punctual discharge, as above, of the respective proportions of the said charge.

Art. 5. It is hereby understood and agreed between the High Contracting Parties, that the said payments, on the part of their Majesties the King of the Netherlands, and the King of Great Britain as aforesaid, shall cease and determine, should the possession and sovereignty (which God forbid) of the Belgic provinces at any time pass or be severed from the dominions of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, previous to the complete liquidation of the same.

It is also understood and agreed between the High Contracting Parties, that the payments on the part of their Majesties the King of the Netherlands, and the King of Great Britain as aforesaid, shall not be interrupted, in the event (which God forbid) of a war breaking out between any of the three High Contracting Parties, the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias being actually bound to its creditors by a similar agree

Art. 2. The future charge to which their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties shall be respectively liable, in equal shares, on account of the said debt, is to consist of an annual interest of 5 per cent. on the said capitals, each of 25 millions, together with a sinking fund of one per cent. for the extinction of the same; the said sinking fund being subject, however, to be increased on the demand of the Russian Government, to any annual sum not exceeding three per cent., the same to be payable till the capital of the said debt shall be fully discharged, when the aforesaid charge for interest and sinking fundment. shall wholly cease to be borne by their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties respectively.

Art. 3. Their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties respectively bind themselves, on or before the usual day, or days in each year, on which the interest on the said debt shall be due and payable, to deposit with the agent of the Russian Government in Holland, their respective proportions of the said interest and sinking

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Monday, June 12.

OFFICES IN REVERSION.] Earl Grosvenor stated, that considering the advanced period of the session, it was necessary that the Reversion Bill should be brought to a second reading without delay. He had been desirous to wait till a time when he could be assured that the noble and learned

lord who usually sat on the woolsack could be in the House, and he hoped that the noble lord would be able to attend before Friday; but he did not at any rate think it would be proper to postpone the second reading beyond Friday, and therefore he gave notice that he would make the motion on that day.

Lord Ellenborough adverted to the circumstance that the opinion of the House had been lately taken three times on 'this subject, and that the noble and learned lord alluded to had taken a large share in the discussions which took place on those occasions. He therefore suggested that the second reading, according to the usual courtesy shown by their lordships to each other, ought not to be proposed at a time when the noble and learned lord might not be able to attend. There were strong hopes that he would very soon be able to attend in his place; but in case he should not be there on Friday, he trusted the noble lord would not then press the second reading.

Earl Grosvenor agreed to name Monday instead of Friday, but stated, that considering the time of the session, he could not accede to any further delay.-The Lords were ordered to be summoned for Monday.

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS-RUSSIAN DEBT.] Lord St. John, after adverting to the Convention between Great Britain and the United Netherlands, which had the other day been laid on the table, stated, that there appeared in that document a stipulation, with respect to which it was desirable that their lordships and the country should have some explanation. He alluded to that part of the Convention by which we agreed, in conjunction with the King of the United Netherlands, to take upon ourselves a part of the capital and interest of a loan contracted by Russia with certain Dutch merchants. A very general impression prevailed in the country, that part of this loan was contracted by Russia for the carrying on of that war which ended in the cession of Oczakow to that Power; a measure which this country, out of its anxiety to preserve the balance of Europe, had opposed. Another part of that loan was said to have been contracted for the purpose of carrying on those operations which terminated in the subversion of the constitution of Poland. Could the noble earl opposite give the House

any explanation on this point? He should be sorry, indeed, if this country were to be called upon to take upon itself the payment of debts contracted for any such purposes as those which he had mentioned; and, therefore, he was most anxious to hear from the noble earl some explanation on the subject, which would at least relieve the country from so severe a mortification. If the noble earl would have the goodness to state to the House the dates of the periods at which the loans were contracted, the House and the country would be enabled to form some judg ment as to the objects for which the money was raised.

The Earl of Liverpool said, that he was disposed to give the noble lord and the House all the explanation on the subject which he could give; but he really did not know what were the dates of the periods at which these loans were contracted, nor with what views the debt had been originally incurred, nor did he conceive that these matters had any thing whatever to do with the merits of the question in the shape in which it at present came before their lordships. He did not mean, at this moment, to enter into any detailed discussion of that question: but the state of the case was exactly this:-The great exertions which Russia had lately made in the common cause, and the distressed state of the finances of that empire, were both well known to all Europe. An application had, under these circumstances, been made to Great Britain, to take upon itself the payment of a part of a certain debt which Russia had contracted; and from a consideration of the vast exertions which Russia had made in the cause of Europe, and the distressed state of her finances, it had been thought that the proposition was entitled to some favourable attention. On this account the ministers of the Government had thought themselves justified in taking upon themselves to recommend to the British Parliament to enable the Prince Regent to become bound for the payment of a part of the Russian debt. This might be wise policy, or it might not. He should not now enter into that question, though he was perfectly prepared to argue the point when the proper time came: but the object was merely to relieve Russia from a part of this pressure, for the reasons which he had stated, without reference to the cause for which the debt had been originally incurred, or the period when it was con

tracted. These were considerations which, in the view taken of the case by the British Government, had nothing whatever to do with the present question: but considering the prodigious exertions which had been made by Russia in the late campaign for the great cause in which the Allies were engaged, he did maintain, and would be ready to argue at length when the proper occasion arose, that this circumstance, combined with the actual pressure on the Russian finances, did afford a strong ground for receiving the proposition with the most favourable attention.

Earl Grey said, that he was very far, indeed, from being satisfied with the explanation which the noble earl had given on a subject which, under the present circumstances of the country, must be regarded as one of the greatest importance. He did not mean at this period of the session, and with the sort of attendance which he should be likely to procure, to bring forward any formal motion on the subject; but he could not suffer this opportunity to pass, the last which he should probably have for the present, without making some observations upon this lavish expenditure of the public money, and the careless indifference which appeared in this as well as in other instances, about heaping the most enormous burthens on the oppressed and deluded people of this country. His noble friend had stated the general impression which prevailed that this debt, for the payment of part of which this country was to become bound, had bee contracted for the purpose of carrying on the operations which ended in the cession of Oczakow to Russia, and he had very properly asked, whether it was possible that this nation was at last to be called upon to pay the debt incurred by that loan, which had enabled Russia to carry those measures into execution which Great Britain had opposed, on the ground of their tendency to subvert the balance of Europe. This, in his opinion, was a most material question, and one which well deserved their lordships most serious attention. But the noble earl had said, that this consideration had nothing to do with the question; and defended the stipulation on the ground of the great exertions made by Russia, and the pressure upon the finances of that country. The exertions of Russia, however, were made in a cause common to all; in a cause in which Russia was no less interested than the rest of the confederates. §

In the course of this long war, (for it might be considered as one continued war from 1793 down to this moment,) had the exertions of this country been inferior to those of Russia, or any other Power of Europe? This nation had made its proportion of exertion, and had suffered its full share of the burthen; and why, in a cause common to all, should it be called upon to take upon itself an additional burthen which did not properly belong to it? Look at the expenditure of the present year: it was absolutely frightful. If any credit was due to the rumours that prevailed out of doors, the loan for the present year would amount to no less a sum than 36 millions sterling. Besides this, there had been issued 18 millions of Exchequer-bills, and to all this was to be added a vote of credit of 6 millions, making in all 60 millions sterling. Let it be recollected, that this enormous sum was to be raised at a time when taxes unknown to our ancestors had been resorted to in order to raise a large proportion of the sums necessary for the expenditure of the year, and that, too, for the very purpose of keeping down the capital of the national debt; but at a time when twenty millions of war taxes were collected, a sum three times that amount was raised in the manner he had stated, making an addition to the capital of the national debt of about one hundred millions. It was absolutely impossible they could go on in this manner without speedy and irretrievable ruin. At the commencement of the revolutionary war, if he was not mistaken, the whole capital of the national debt was about 240 millions; and now, after the unparalleled burthens to which the country had been exposed in this war which had lasted ever since 1793

for during the whole period we never had really enjoyed the blessings of peace -an amount of capital was in a single year to be added to the debt, nearly equal to one half of the whole of it at the commencement of the revolutionary war? Yet under these circumstances the country was to be called upon to take upon itself additional burthens, which no consideration of justice or sound policy required that it should bear. Never were burthens imposed with less reason upon an oppressed and deluded people; and the result of such a lavish and inconsiderate expenditure must at last, he repeated, be irretrievable ruin. Besides this payment on account of Russia, there was another sum of two millions, and possibly of five

721] and the Netherlands-Russian Debt. millions to be paid to Holland for augmenting and improving the defences of the Low Countries; and this, too, deserved the most serious attention of their lordships. This expenditure he considered as entirely useless. If the arrangements made at Vienna had been brought under consideration, he would have contended, that the incorporation of the Low Countries with Holland was a most impolitic measure. He should have preferred infinitely to leave her colonies with Holland, and give up the Netherlands to some third power capable of defending them. But as for those sums employed in the repair of the fortresses on the frontiers, he considered them as entirely thrown away. As a measure of defence, or for any other good purpose, he considered it as perfectly nugatory. A to the advances to Holland in lieu of her colonies, he protested that if those colonies had been offered to him gratuitously he would have declined. accepting them; for, instead of being an advantage to this country, he was convinced they would be only another burthen added to those with which the nation He did was already so heavily loaded. not, as he had before stated, mean to go at length into the subject; but as this opportunity had presented itself, it was impossible for him to allow it to pass without thus stating to their lordships the impression made on his mind by the papers now laid on their lordships' table, and the state in which the country was placed under these circumstances of enormous and lavish expenditure.

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favour of the rest of Europe, such as had
never been surpassed by any nation in the
world. True, this country, too, had made
The
its exertions, and had endured its burthens.
No one could be more sensible than be
was how much this was the case.
situation which he held necessarily gave
him the means of being peculiarly able to
appreciate the burthens and privations to
which the nation was exposed; but it
ought never to be forgotten, that during
the whole of this eventful struggle this
favoured country had never been the scene
of foreign invasion. It had at least escaped
that dreadful devastation-those tremen-
dous calamities-with which the progress
of the invader must have been attended;
and when we looked at the exertions and
sacrifices of Russia as compared with our
own, let us consider what would have been
the situation of this country if a great part
of it had been occupied by the enemy; if
our territory had been ravaged, and
London had been laid in ashes! He was
well aware of the efforts which this coun-
try had made-of the burthens which it
had endured-of the privations which it
had suffered during the period which the
noble earl had mentioned: but it was a
most erroneous view of the subject to look
at it in that light merely. This country
had, indeed, made exertions, and suffered
much and severe privations; but let the
effect of these exertions and privations be
also taken into account. To what did we
owe our present state of comparative secu.
rity and prosperity-to what did we owe
the preservation even of our existence?
When we looked, therefore, at our burthens,
let it not be forgotten that to our patient
endurance of those burthens, to our per-
severing exertions, we owed the compara-

The Earl of Liverpool said, it was not his intention to go at large into this subject now; but after what had just fallen from the noble earl who spoke last, it was impossible for him not to say a few words.tive security and prosperity, probably the He had before said, and he still main- salvation of our country. Considering, tained, that the prodigious exertions made then, the vast exertions of Russia beyond by Russia in the common cause, and the her own territory, the great advantage distressed state of her finances, entitled the which we derived from those exertions, proposition to take upon us a part of this and the state of the Russian finances, he debt to our favourable consideration. would confidently submit to their lordships True, the exertions of Russia were made and the country, that the engagement of in a common cause; but let it be recol- ministers was fully justified by the soundest lected that the exertions of Russia had views of policy and expediency. He adgone much beyond what was necessary mitted that it was not a claim of strict and for her own security. After the enemy rigid justice, but an appeal to the liberality had been driven from her own territory, of this country; but he trusted their lordand at a time when she might have made ships and the nation at large would concur peace with much less danger than any with the Government in thinking, that it other power in Europe, she still continued, was an appeal which, under the circumin spite of the deranged state of her stances, merited the most favourable atfinances, to make exertions chiefly intention and consideration. With respect (VOL. XXXI. )

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