about reformation, but did not live to finish it. Bucer proposed, that there might be a strict discipline, to exclude scandalous livers from the sacrament; that the old popish habits might be laid aside. He did not like the half office of communion, or second service, to be said at the altar when there was no sacrament. He approved not of godfathers answering in the child's name so well as in their own. He presses much the sanctification of the Lord's day; and that there might be many fastings, but was against the observation of Lent. He would have the pastoral function restored to what it ought to be; that bishops, throwing off all secular cares, should give themselves to their spiritual employments. He advises that coadjutors might be given to some, and a council of presbyters appointed for them all. He would have rural bishops set over twenty or thirty parishes, who should gather their clergy often together, and inspect them closely; and that a provincial synod should meet twice a year, when a secular man, in the King's name, should be appointed to observe their proceedings.

Cranmer was of the same mind. He disliked the present way of governing the church by convocations as they are now formed; in which deans, archdeacons, and cathedrals, have an interest far superior in number to those elected to represent the clergy. These (says Bishop Burnett) can in no sort pretend to be more than a part of our civil constitution. They have no foundation in scripture, nor any warrant from the first ages of the church; but did arise from the model set forth by Charles the great, and formed according to the feudal law, by which a right of giving subsidies was vested in all who were possessed of such tenures as qualified them to contribute towards the support of the state. Nor was

† Bucer died in 1551, and was consulted on the review of the Common Prayer, 1550. But Mr. Neal has introduced his sentiments in this place, because he was here giving a summary of the changes in King Edward's reign. And in reply to Bishop Maddox, who, after Bishop Burnet, says, that the most material things to which Bucer excepted, were corrected afterwards. Mr. Neal observes,that they who will be at the pains to read over the abstract of his book, entitled, "Of the Kingdom of Christ.' in Collyer's Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 296, &c. must be of another mind. Review. En. Hist. Ref. vol. iii. p. 214.

Cranmer satisfied with the liturgy, though it had been twice reformed, if we may give credit to the learned Bullinger,* who told the exiles at Frankfort, "that the archbishop had "drawn up a book of prayers an hundred times more per"fect than that which was then in being; but the same "could not take place, for that he was matched with such “a wicked clergy and convocation, and other enemies." The King was of the same sentiments; but his untimely death, which happened in the 16th year of his age, and 7th of his reign, put an end to all his noble designs for perfecting the reformation. He was indeed an incomparable Prince, of most promising expectations; and in the judgment of the most impartial persons, the very phoenix of his age. It was more than whispered that he was poisoned. But it is very surprising that a protestant divine [Heylin] in his history of the reformations should say, "That he was ill princi"pled; that his reign was unfortunate; and that his death "was not an infelicity to the church," only because he was apprehensive he would have reduced the hierarchy to a more primitive standard, With good King Edward died all further advances of the reformation; for the alterations that were made afterwards by Queen Elizabeth hardly came up to his standard,

We may observe from the history of this reign,

1st. That in matters of faith the first reformers followed the doctrine of St. Austin, in the controverted points of original sin, prædestination, justification by faith alone, effectual grace, and good works.

2dly. That they were not satisfied with the present discipline of the church, though they thought they might submit to it, till it should be amended by the authority of the legislature.

3dly. That they believed but two orders of churchmen

* Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 266.

The troubles at Frankfort in the Phoenix, vol. ii. p. 82, and Pierce's Vindic. p. 12, 13. Mr. Pierce remarks, that this is reported, as is plain to him who looks into the book itself, not on the testimony of Bullinger, as Strype represents it; but by one of Dr. Cox's party on his own knowledge. Review. ED.

§ Pref. p. 4, Part vii. p. 141.

in holy scripture, viz. bishops and deacons; and consequently, that bishops and priests were but different ranks or degrees of the same order.

4thly. That they gave the right-hand of fellowship to foreign churches, and ministers that had not been ordained by bishops; there being no dispute about re-ordination in order to any church preferment, till the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's reign.

In all which points most of our modern churchmen have departed from them.

[To Mr. NEAL's remarks on the reign of Edward VI. it may be added, That the reformation was all along conducted in a manner inconsistent with the principles on which it was founded. The principles, on which the justification of it rested, were the right of private judgment and the sufficiency of the scriptures as a rule of faith. Yet the reformation was limited to the conceptions and ideas of those who were in power. No liberty was granted to the consciences of dissidents: no discussion of points, on which they them. selves had not doubts, was permitted: such as held sentiments different from their model, and pursued their enquires further, without consideration of their numbers or their characters, so far from being allowed to propose their opinions or to hold separate assemblies for religious worship agreeably to their own views of things, were stigmatised as heretics, and pursued unto death. Besides the instances Mr. Neal mentions, the anabaptists were excepted out of the King's general pardon, that came out in 1550§: they were also burnt in divers towns in the kingdom; and met death with singular intrepidity and chearfulness.* Thus enquiry was stifled and the reformation was really not the result of a comprehensive view and calm investigation of all the doctrines and practices which had been long established, but the triumph of power in discarding a few articles and practices which more particularly struck the minds of those who were in government. These persons gained, and have exclusively possessed, the honorable title of The Reformers;

§ Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. ii. p. 143.

Crosby's History of the English Baptists, vol. i. p. 62.

without any respect to, nay with a contemptuous disregard of, those who saw further, and, in point of numbers, carried weight. Bishop Latimer, in a sermon before the King, reported, on the authority of a credible person, that there were, in one town, 500 anabaptists.* The reformers, in thus proscribing enquiry and reformation beyond their own standard, were not consistent with themselves. For they acknowledged that corruptions had been a thousand years introducing, which could not be all discovered and thrown out at once. By this concession, they justified the principle, while they punished the conduct of those, who, acting upon it, endeavored to discover, and wished to reject more corruptions.] ED.

* Crosby's Hist. vol. i. p. 63. † Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. ii. p. 190.

CHAP. III.

THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY.

It will appear in the course of this reign, that an absolute supremacy over the consciences of men, lodged with a single person, may as well be prejudicial as servicable to true religion for if King Henry VIII. and his son King Edward VI. reformed some abuses by their supremacy, against the inclinations of the majority of the people,we shall find Queen Mary making use of the same power to turn things back into their old channel, till she had restored the grossest and most idolatrous part of popery. This was begun by proclamations and orders of council, till her Majesty could procure a parliament that would repeal King Edward's laws for religion, which she quickly found means to accomplish. It is strange indeed, that when there was but seven or eight peers that opposed the laws made in favour of the reformation under King Edward, the same house of lords should almost all turn papists in the reign of Queen Mary; but as to the Commons, it is less wonderful, because they are changeable, and the court took care to new model the magistrates in the cities and corporations before the elections

came on, so that not one almost was left that was not a Roman Catholic. Bribery and menaces were made use of in all places; and where they could not carry elections by reason of the superiority of the reformed, the sheriff's made double returns. It is sad when the religion of a nation is under such a direction! But so it will be when the management of religion falls into the hands of a bigoted prince and ministry.

Queen Mary was a sad example of the truth of this observation, whose reign was no better than one continued scene of calamity. It is the genuine picture of popery, and should be remembered by all true protestants with abhorrence; the principles of that religion being such as no man can receive, till he has abjured his senses, renounced his understanding and reason, and put off all the tender compassions of human nature.

King Edward VI. being far gone in a consumption, from a concern for preserving the reformation, was persuaded to set aside the succession of his sisters Mary and Elizabeth and of the Queen of Scots, the first and last being papists, and Elizabeth's blood being tainted by act of parliament; and to settle the crown by will upon LadyJane Grey, eldest daughter of the duke of Suffolk, a lady of extraordinary qualities, zealous for the reformation, and next in blood after the princesses abovementioned. One may guess the sad apprehensions the council were under for the protestant religion, when they put the King, who was a minor, and not capable of making a will, upon this expedient, and set their hands to the validity of it. The King being dead, Queen Jane was proclaimed with the usual solemnities, and an army raised to support her title; but the princess Mary, then at Norfolk, being informed of her brother's death, sent a letter to the council, in which she claims the crown, and charges them upon their allegiance to proclaim her in the city of London and elsewhere. The council in return insisted upon her laying aside her claim, and submitting as a good subject to her new sovereign. But Mary, by the encouragement of her friends in the North, resolved to maintain her right; and to make her way more easy, she promised the Suffolk, men to

*Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. ii. p. 252.