joy. The emotion of a soul just famished with thirst upon taking down a full draught of cold water is but a faint emblem of the superior gladness with which we were universally filled upon this great occasion. That was the language of our mouths, signifying the pleasurable state of our minds, “As cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is this good news from a far country."

What I have in view is, to take occasion, from these words, to call your attention to some of the important articles contained in the good news we have heard, which so powerfully fit it to excite a pungent sense of pleasure in the breasts of all that inhabit these American lands. The way will then be prepared to point out to you the wisest and best use we can make of these glad tidings "from a far country."

1

The first article in this "good news," obviously presenting itself to consideration, is the kind and righteous regard the supreme authority in England, to which we inviolably owe submission, has paid to the "commercial good" of the nation at home, and its dependent provinces and islands. One of the expressly assigned reasons for the repeal of the Stamp Act is declared in these words: "Whereas the continuance of said act may be productive of consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interests of these kingdoms, may it therefore please "The English colonies and islands are certainly included in

1 This doctrine was expressed by Mr. James Otis, early in 1764, that we "ought to yield obedience to an Act of Parliament, though erroneous, till repealed." And by the Council and House of Representatives, Nov. 3d, 1764: "We acknowledge it to be our duty to yield obedience to it while it continues unrepealed." But want of representation, and, next, that the colonies were not within the realm, soon led to a denial of the authority of Parliament, for a submission to a tax of a farthing would have abandoned the great principle. It was not the amount of the tax, but the right to tax, that was in issue. "In for a penny, in for a pound." — ED.

the words "these kingdoms," for they are as truly parts of them as either Scotland, Ireland, or even England itself. It was therefore with a professed view to the commercial good, not only of the nation at home, but of the plantations also abroad, that the authority of the British King and Parliament interposed to render null and void that act, which, had it been continued in force, might in its consequences have tended to the hurt of this grand interest, inseparably connected with the welfare of both. From what more noble source could a repeal of this act have proceeded? Not merely the repeal, but that benevolent, righteous regard to the public good which gave it birth, is an important ingredient in the news that has made us glad. And wherein could this "good news" have been better adapted to soften our hearts, soothe our passions, and excite in us the sensations of unmingled joy? What that is conducive to our real happiness may we not expect from a King and Parliament whose regard to "the commercial interest "2 of the British kingdoms has over

1 That "the colonies were without the realm and jurisdiction of Parlia ment," was demonstrated in the learned and able answers of the Council and House of Representatives to Governor Hutchinson's speech of January 6, 1773: "Your Excellency tells us, you know of no line that can be drawn between the supreme authority of Parliament and the total independence of the colonies.' If there be no such line, the consequence is, either that the colonies are the vassals of the Parliament, or that they are totally independent." In his gratitude, Dr. Chauncy took quite too generous a view of the "repeal." The interests of the colonies were always subordinate. The Navigation Act, 12th Chas. II. ch. 19, and the colonial policy of England, as of all nations, considered only the interests of the realm. - ED.

2 Mr. Burke, in his speech on "American taxation," years afterward, 1774, said the laws were repealed "because they raised a flame in America, for reasons political, not commercial: as Lord Hillsborough's letter well expresses it, to regain the confidence and affection of the colonies, on which the glory and safety of the British empire depend.'"- ED.

powered all opposition from resentment, the display of sovereign pleasure, or whatever other cause, and influenced them to give up even a crown revenue for the sake of a greater national good! With what confidence may we rely upon such a supreme legislature for the redress of all grievances, especially in the article of trade, and the devising every wise and fit method to put and keep it in a flourishing state! Should anything, in time to come, unhappily be brought into event detrimental in its operation to the commerce between the mother country and these colonies, through misrepresentations from "lovers of themselves more than lovers" of their king and country, may we not encourage ourselves to hope that the like generous public spirit that has relieved us now will again interpose itself on our behalf? Happy are we in being under the government of a King and Parliament who can repeal as well as enact a law, upon a view of it as tending to the public happiness. How preferable is our condition to theirs who have nothing to expect but from the arbitrary will of those to whom they are slaves' rather than subjects!

Another thing, giving us singular pleasure, contained in this "good news," is, the total removal of a grievous burden we must have sunk under had it been continued. Had the real state of the colonies been as well known at home as it is here, it is not easily supposable any there would have thought the tax imposed on us by the Stamp Act was suitably adjusted to our circumstances and abilities. There is scarce a man in any of the colonies, cer

2

1 "If we are not represented, we are slaves."-Letter to Massachusetts agent, June 13, 1764.-ED.

2 Mr. Burke, in 1763, showing the difficulties of American representation in Parliament, said: "Some of the most considerable provinces of America-such, for instance, as Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay - have not

tainly there is not in the New England ones, that would be deemed worthy of the name of a rich man in Great Britain. There may be here and there a rare instance of one that may have acquired twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty thousand pounds sterling, and this is the most that can be made of what they may be thought worth, but for the rest, they are, generally speaking, in a low condition, or, at best, not greatly rising above it; though in different degrees, variously placing them in the enjoyment of the necessities and comforts of life. And such it might naturally be expected would be the true state of the colonists; as the lands they possess in this new country could not have been subdued and fitted for profitable use but by labor too expensive to allow of their being, at present, much increased in wealth. This labor, indeed, may properly be considered as a natural tax, which, though it has made way for an astonishing increase of subjects to the British empire, greatly adding to its dignity and strength, has yet been the occasion of keeping us poor and low. It ought also to be remembered the occasions, in a new country, for the grant or purchase of property, with the obligations arising therefrom, and in instances of comparatively small value, are unavoidably more numerous than in those that have been long settled. The occasions, also, for recourse to the law are in like manner vastly multiplied; for which reason the same tax by stamped paper would take vastly more, in proportion, from the people

in each of them two men who can afford, at a distance from their estates, to spend a thousand pounds a year. How can these provinces be represented at Westminster?" Governor Pownall, at Boston, Sept. 6th, 1757, wrote to Admiral Holbourn: "I am here at the head and lead of what is called a rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprising country. "Tis all puff, 't is all false; they are ruined and undone in their circumstances. The first act I passed was an Act for the Relief of Bankrupts."- Ed.

here than in England. this duty the more hard and severe is, that it must have been paid in addition to the government tax here,1 which

And what would have rendered

1 Massachusetts, of about two hundred and forty thousand inhabitants, expended in the war eight hundred and eighteen thousand pounds sterling, for four hundred and ninety thousand pounds of which she had no compensation. Connecticut, with only one hundred and forty-six thousand inhabitants, expended, exclusive of Parliament grants, upwards of four hundred thousand pounds sterling. Dr. Belknap's pertinent inquiry, in view of the parliamentary pretence for their revenue acts to defray the expenses of protecting, defending, and securing" the colonies, was, "If we had not done our part toward the protection and defence of our country, why were our expenditures reimbursed by Parliament," even in part? Dr. Trumbull says that Massachusetts annually sent into the field five thousand five hundred men, and one year seven thousand. Connecticut had about three thousand men in the field, and for some time six thousand, and for some years these two colonies alone furnished ten thousand men in actual service. Pennsylvania disbursed about five hundred thousand pounds, and was reimbursed only about sixty thousand pounds. New Hampshire, New York, and especially Rhode Island in her naval enterprise, displayed like zeal. Probably twenty thousand of these men were lost," the most firm and hardy young men, the flower of their country." Many others were maimed and enervated. The population and settlement of the country was retarded, husbandry and commerce were injured. "At the same time, the war was unfriendly to literature, destructive of domestic happiness, and injurious to piety and the social virtues."

"has, since

In 1762 Mr. Otis said: "This province"- Massachusetts the year 1754, levied for his Majesty's service, as soldiers and seamen, near thirty thousand men, besides what have been otherwise employed. One year in particular it was said that every fifth man was engaged, in one shape or another. We have raised sums for the support of this war that the last generation could have hardly formed any idea of. We are now deeply in debt."

Mr. Burke, in 1775, cited from their records " the repeated acknowledg ment of Parliament that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety. This nation has formally acknowledged two things: first, that the colonies had gone beyond their abilities - Parliament having thought it necessary to reimburse them; secondly, that they had acted legally and laudably in their grants of money and their maintenance of troops, since the compensation is expressly given as a reward and encouragement." Indeed, the