and the province; and, having served his generation according to the Divine will, he may rise to superior honors in the kingdom of God.

When the elections of this important day are determined, what further remains to be undertaken for the securing our liberties, promoting peace and good order, and, above all, the advancement of religion, the true fear of God through the land, will demand the highest attention. of the General Assembly. We trust the Fountain of light, who giveth wisdom freely, will not scatter darkness in your paths, and that the day is far distant when there shall be cause justly to complain, The foundations are destroyed what can the righteous do? Our present distresses, civil fathers, loudly call upon us all, and you in special, to stir up ourselves in the fear of God. Arise! - this matter belongeth unto you; we also will be with you. Be of good courage, and do it.

Whether any other laws are necessary for this purpose, or whether there is a failure in the execution of the laws in being, I presume not to say. But, with all due respect, I may be permitted to affirm that no human authority can enforce the practice of religion with equal success to your example. Your example, fathers, not only in your public administrations, but also in private life, will be the most forcible law-the most effectual means to teach us the fear of the Lord, and to depart from evil. Then, and not till then, shall we be free indeed; being delivered from the dominion of sin, we become the true sons of God.

The extent of the secular power in matters of religion is undetermined; but all agree that the example of those in authority has the greatest influence upon the manners of the people. We are far from pleading for any established1

1 "Civil rulers ought undoubtedly to be nursing fathers to the church,

mode of worship, but an operative fear of God, the honor of the Redeemer, the everlasting King, according to his gospel. We, whose peculiar charge it is to instruct the people, preach to little purpose while those in an advanced state, by their practice, say the fear of God is not before their eyes; yet will we not cease to seek the Lord till he come and rain down righteousness upon us.

I trust on this occasion I may without offence plead the cause of our African slaves, and humbly propose the pursuit of some effectual measures at least to prevent the future importation of them. Difficulties insuperable, I apprehend, prevent an adequate remedy for what is past. Let the time past more than suffice wherein we, the patrons of liberty, have dishonored the Christian name, and degraded human nature nearly to a level with the beasts that perish. Ethiopia has long stretched out her hands to us. Let not sordid gain, acquired by the merchandise of slaves and the souls of men, harden our hearts against her piteous moans. When God ariseth, and when he visiteth,

by reproof, exhortation, and their own good and liberal example, as well as to protect and defend her against injustice and oppression; but the very notion of taxing all to support any religious denomination,” etc.— - Address of the Baptists to the Congress at Cambridge, Nov. 22, 1776.

By the amendment of the constitution, in 1833, the absolute separation of church and state was completed. On this subject see “ Life and Times of Isaac Backus," by Rev. Dr. Hovey, 1858. Ed.

1 The suggestion of the preacher was heeded. "A Bill to prevent the Importation of Slaves from Africa into this Province" was passed in the House, but an amendment was proposed by the Council, and it seems to have gone no further. In 1767 and 1774, Massachusetts passed laws against slavery, which were vetoed by express instructions from England. The inhabitants of Boston, at a town meeting, held May 26, 1766, for instructing their representatives, Otis, Cushing, Adams, and Hancock,— charged them "to be very watchful . . . for the total abolishing of slavery from among us; . . . to move for a law to prohibit the importation and purchasing slaves for the future." In the first draft of the Declaration of Independence was this paragraph: "He"— the king—

what shall we answer? May it be the glory of this province, of this respectable General Assembly, and, we could wish, of this session, to lead in the cause of the oppressed. This will avert the impending vengeance of Heaven, procure you the blessing of multitudes of your fellow-men ready to perish, be highly approved by our common Father, who is no respecter of persons, and, we trust, an example which would excite the highest attention of our sister colonies. May we all, both rulers and people, in this day of doubtful expectation, know and practise the things of our peace, and serve the Lord our God without disquiet in the inheritance which he granted unto our fathers. These adventurous worthies, animated by sublimer prospects, dearly purchased this land with their treasure; they and their posterity have defended it with unknown cost," in continual jeopardy of their lives, and with their blood.

Through the good hands of our God upon us, we have for a few years past been delivered from the merciless sword of the wilderness,' and enjoyed peace in our borders; and there is in the close of our short summer the appearance of plenty in our dwellings; but, from the length of

a "Be it far from me, O Lord," said the ancient hero, "that I should do this. Is not this the blood of the men that went in jeopardy of their lives?" Therefore he would not drink it. Will not the like sentiments rise in a generous mind thrust into our possessions?

"has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce." ED.

1 Not much troubled by French and Indians since the conquest of Canada, in 1759-60.- ED.

our winters, our plenty is consumed, and the one half of our necessary labor is spent in dispersing to our flocks and herds the ingatherings of the foregoing season; and it is known to every person of common observation that few, very few, except in the mercantile way, from one generation to another, acquire more than a necessary subsistence, and sufficient to discharge the expenses of government and the support of the gospel, yet content and disposed to lead peaceable lives. From misinformations only, we would conclude, recent disquiets have arisen. They need not be mentioned they are too well known; their voice is gone out through all the earth, and their sound to the end of the world. The enemies of Great Britain hold us in derision while her cities and colonies are thus perplexed.1 America now pleads her right to her possessions, which she cannot resign while she apprehends she has truth and justice on her side.

Americans esteem it their greatest infelicity that, through necessity, they are thus led to plead with their parent state, the land of their forefathers' nativity, whose interest has always been dear to them," and whose wealth they have increased by their removal more than their own. They have assisted in fighting her battles, and greatly enlarged her empire, and, God helping, will yet extend it through the boundless desert, until it reach from sea to sea. They glory in the British constitution, and are abhorrent, to a man, of the most distant thought of withdrawing their allegiance from their gracious sovereign

a Their losses and private expenses, in watches, guards, and garrisons for their defence, and from continual alarms, in all their former wars, have greatly exceeded the public charges.

1 "The enemies of Great Britain" scorned the complaints of the colonies against the arbitrary measures of the ministry as unavailing, and laughed at their supposed helplessness against wrong. — ED.

and becoming an independent state. And though, with unwearied toil, the colonists can now subsist upon the labors of their own hands, which they must be driven to when deprived of the means of purchase, yet they are fully sensible of the mutual benefits of an equitable commerce with the parent country, and cheerfully submit to regulations of trade productive of the common interest. These their claims the Americans consider not as novel, or wantonly made, but founded in nature, in compact, in their right as men and British subjects; the same which their forefathers, the first occupants, made and asserted as the terms of their removal, with their effects, into this wilderness, and with which the glory and interest of their king and all his dominions are connected. May these alarming disputes be brought to a just and speedy issue, and peace and harmony be restored!

But while, in imitation of our pious forefathers, we are aiming at the security of our liberties, we should all be concerned to express by our conduct their piety and virtue, and in a day of darkness and general distress carefully avoid everything offensive to God or injurious to men. It belongs not only to rulers, but subjects also, to set the Lord always before their face, and act in his fear. While under government we claim a right to be treated as men, we must act in character by yielding that subjection which becometh us as men. Let every attempt to secure our liberties be conducted with a manly fortitude, but with that respectful decency which reason approves,

a It is apprehended a greater sacrifice of private interest to the public good, both of Great Britain and the colonies, hath at no time been made than that of the patriotic merchants of this and all the considerable colonies, by their nonimportation agreement. And whatever the effects may be, their names will be remembered with gratitude to the latest generations, by all true friends to Britain and her colonies.