the waste of ammunition will be greatly prevented." The want of field artillery will not be much nor long felt under a commander that has skill to avoid being attacked, and to choose his ground for attacking, in a country with. which he is perfectly acquainted, and where every inhabitant, even the children, are standing spies upon all the motions of an adversary. But, as I earnestly beg of Heaven that the redress of our grievances may be obtained without fighting, I shall not dwell longer upon this point, and proceed to mention those other favorable circumstances, of a pacific kind, that remain to be specified, such as the generous donations made for the poor of Boston; the union of the colonies; the prevailing harmony and una

2

a Mr. Knoch, then lieutenant in the first regiment of Orange-Nassau, in a treatise on "The Insufficiency of Fire-arms for Attack or Defence, demonstrated from Facts," etc., written in about 1759, proves "that, at a medium taken from any number of battles fought somewhat before that period, not more than one man could have been killed or wounded by eighty shot discharged."3

1 Four cannon constituted the whole train of artillery of the British colonies in North America at the opening of the war, April 19, 1775; two of which, belonging to the province of Massachusetts, were taken by the enemy. The other two were the property of citizens of Boston. They were constantly in service through the war. In 1788, by order of Congress, they were delivered to the Governor of Massachusetts, John Hancock. On one was inscribed, "The Hancock, — sacred to Liberty; " and on the other, "The Adams."- Holmes's Annals, ii. 369. -ED.

2 The Continental Congress resolved, September 17, 1774, that all the colonies ought to continue their contributions for "the distresses of our brethren at Boston, so long as their occasions may require;" and, October 8th, that "all America ought to support Massachusetts in their opposition to the late acts of Parliament." - ED.

3" This reverend gentleman has found a method of doing without much ammunition; for certain it is that there is at present no appearance of great quantities, and much less prospect of procuring more in future. How marvellous is sacerdotal invention, when set to work! . . . What American has experience enough to cope with "- General Gage — “a commander-in-chief, bred an officer, and highly distinguished?

Where could he possibly have acquired his knowledge? . . . Not in a review before a governor; not by turn-out every now and then,

nimity among the individuals composing the grand congress; their approbation of the opposition given by this colony to the acts for altering their ancient form of government; their association respecting trade, and the like;" the readiness of the people to conform to it; and the intrepid conduct of the southern inhabitants in preventing the introduction of any more teas among them. These are favorable circumstances, beyond what the most sanguine friends of liberty expected; that appear to be of the Lord's doing, and are marvellous in our eyes; that, if foretold, would have been deemed morally impossible by those who are still inimical to them, though evidencing a wonderful interposition of Providence; and that may justly encourage us, as well as keep us from fainting, especially when taken in connection with that spirit of prayer and humiliation which has discovered itself in different places on occasion of the times. Would to God there was more of this! Did it abound universally, we should have greater ground of encouragement by much; for the fervent prayers of the humble, penitent, and returning avail with God, through the mediation of the Lord Jesus. However, from what there is, and the other favorable circumstances, we are warranted to expect that at length, in the exercise of prudence, fortitude, and piety, we shall get well through our difficulties.

a The resolve of an embodied people, in a contest for liberty, when the voice of the majority has been fairly obtained, to interrupt, and, where necessary, forcibly to prevent a trade that would ruin the common cause, and cannot be carried on without subjecting them to slavery, notwithstanding the great injury it may occasion to individuals, I apprehend, will, on the same principles that justify a proscribing a traffic that would hazard the introduction of the pestilence, admit of as much stronger a vindication as slavery is the greater plague.

with a few facetious parsons and new-fangled minute-men, to make a ridiculous parade of arms for the amusement and scoff of every woman and child in the village.”—Tory “Observations," quoted before on p. 195. — ED.

We must prudently fall in with the measures recommended by the congress, that so we may not be reported to other colonies as disregarders of them, whereby first a jealousy may be produced, and then a disunion effected. We must promote unanimity among ourselves, peace and good order, that we may not be represented as desirous of confusion in hopes of making an advantage of it. We should let the laws of honor and honesty have their full weight with us, that we may fall under no reproach for abusing the present suspension of human laws. We should diligently provide for the worst, and be upon our guard, that we may not be suddenly stripped of those appurtenances, the loss of which will be severely felt should we be called upon, by a dire necessity, to make our appeal to Heaven.

1

I have been ready at times to infer, from the military spirit that hath spread through the continent, that though we are to be saved, it is not to be without the sword, or, at least, the strong appearance of it, unless Infinite Wisdom (which we shall heartily rejoice to find is the case) should be in this way preparing the colonies for coöperating with the parent state, after that matters in dispute have been settled to satisfaction, in some important struggle with a common enemy; and therein, by giving her effectual assistance, for wiping away the reproaches that interested calumny and malice have thrown upon them, and for confirming an eternal friendship. But is it the awful determination of Heaven that we shall not retain our liberties without fighting, let no one despair. The continent, after

1 General Gage's seizure of the province powder, at Charlestown, September 1st, was the "first indication of hostile intention;" and in his attempt to destroy the magazines at Concord, in April, the British troops shed the first blood in the war of independence. — Frothingham's Siege of Boston, 13-17, 51-64.-ED.

having discovered consummate wisdom, can never conduct so absurdly as to leave a single colony alone in the dispute. Their own security will constrain them to support whichsoever is attacked. They will rather assist at a distance than have a war upon or within their own borders, and will be sensible that whoever fights on the side of American liberty hazards his life in their battles. Should it be allowed, for argument's sake, that some one province or other, through selfishness or timidity, should basely slink from the common danger, yet would the rest have greater probability of succeeding than had the Dutch when they began to emerge from slavery and to acquire their liberties." Let us be but brave, and we may promise our

a "The whole country of the seven United Provinces is not as large as one-half of Pennsylvania, and when they began their contest with Philip the Second for their liberty, contained about as many inhabitants as are now in the province of Massachusetts Bay.1 Philip's empire then comprehended, in Europe, all Spain and Portugal, the two Sicilies, and such provinces of the Low Countries as adhered to him; many islands of importance in the Mediterranean; the Milanese and many other valuable territories in Italy, and elsewhere; in Africa and Asia, all the dominions belonging to Spain and Portugal; in America, the immense countries subject to those two kingdoms, with all their treasures and yet unexhausted mines; and the Spanish West Indies. His armies were numerous and veteran, excellently officered, and commanded by the most renowned generals. So great was their force, that, during the wars in the Low Countries, his commander-in-chief, the Prince of Parma, marched twice into France, and obliged that great general and glorious king, Henry the Fourth, to raise at one time the siege of Paris, and at another that of Roan. So considerable was the naval power of Philip, that, in the midst of the same wars, he fitted out his dreadful armada to invade England. Yet seven little provinces, or counties, as we should call them (says that eminent Pennsylvanian), inspired by one general resolution 'to die free rather than live slaves,' not only baffled, but brought down into the dust, that enormous power that had contended for universal empire, and for half a century was the terror of the world. Such an amazing change indeed took place, that those provinces afterward actually protected Spain against the power of France."

1 The history of the name of "Massachusetts Bay," as it appears on the title-page, leads back to the beginning of the colony. "Massachusets, alias Mattachusets, alias Massatusets bay," as it is called in the charter 4th Charles I., originally designating only what is now Boston harbor, was, by force of the royal charters, applied to the colony and to the province, and by custom to the sea within the headlands of Cape Ann and Cape Cod.

selves success. Do we join piety to our prudence and fortitude; do we confess and repent of our sins, justify God in his so trying us, accept of our punishment at his hands without murmuring or complaining; do we humble ourselves, amend our ways and doings, give up ourselves to God, become a holy people, and make the Most High our confidence, we may hope that he will be on our side; and "if the Lord is for us, what can men do unto us?" Have we the God of hosts for our ally, we might bid adieu to fear, though the world was united against us.

Let us, then, be pious, brave, and prudent, and we shall —some of us, at least - - have room for thanksgivings, not merely for promising appearances, but for actual deliverance out of present difficulties, though it should not be till we have been conversant with the din of arms and the horrors of war.) But should the country be wasted for a few years, and a number of its inhabitants be destroyed, ere the wished-for salvation is granted, how soon, after having secured its liberties, will it regain its former prosperity; yea, become far more glorious, wealthy, and populous than ever, through the thousands and ten thousands that will flock to it, with riches, arts, and sciences, acquired by them in foreign countries! And how will the surviving inhabitants and their posterity, together with refugees who have fled from oppression and hardships, whether civil or sacred, to our American sanctuary, daily

It was the Indian name of the hill at Squantum, on the southern shore of Boston harbor.

"Thence Massachusetts took her honored name."1

The affix of "Bay was discontinued in the constitution of 1780. This was the origin of the popular names, "The Bay People," "The Bay State," "The Old Bay State."

1 From the beautiful poem, by Wm. P. Lunt, D.D., at the laying of the cornerstone of the "Sailors' Snug Harbor" at Quincy. — ED.