This little collection was made before the publication of the Preliminaries. The Author being uncertain of their tener, and what provifions they might contain for counter working the late Family Compact between France and Spain, thought it expedient to lay be fore the public the provifions made by the Treaty of Utrecht, for feparating France from Spain, confirmed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle : hoping that thofe who conduct the prefent negociations will take effectual care for renewing, ftrengthening, and preferving those provifions, in their full extent.

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After all, what are treaties ?-If effectual care could be taken for the due execution and permanent cbfervation of them, it would be fomething but fatal experience fhews that the most folemn treaties are, indeed, regarded only as mere matter of ceremony among Princes. When they are difpofed to draw the fword, they do it with a formality called, a Declaration; and when they have a mind to fheath it again, they have another formality called a Treaty of Peace. And, accordingly, as matters of ceremony fhould be, they are always regarded as indifferent things, to be established, altered, or annulled, at pleafure.

Art. 19. A Letter addreffed to the Right Hon. William Beckford, Efq; Lord Mayor, concerning Lord Bute and a Peace. 8vo. 6 d. Scott.

A dull and ftupid encomium on the Earl of Bute. By the flyle, it fhould feem to have been written by his Lordship's Shoe-cleaner.

Art. 20. Punch's Politics; in feveral Dialogues between him and his Acquaintance. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Nicoll.

An odd medley of a low kind of humour, and vulgar declamation; fuch as might, indeed, pafs well enough at Partledom fir, as Mafter Punch, in one of thefe Dialogues, calls it. This wife performance appears to have been written before the figning of the Preliminaries was known here; fo that it now comes the day after the Fair, infitting on our vigorously purfuing the war-ill neither Frenchman nor Spaniard, nor any one elfe, ihall dare to look Jack English in the face. As to the King of Portugal, the greatest part of this pamphlet is employed in fetting forth a project for eftablishing a new kingdom for him in the Brazils,-in cafe the Spaniards fhould drive him out of Europe. But thanks to his fuccefsful allies, his most Faithful Majefty has no prefent occafion to adopt this fcheme, however expedient it might have been found, had the war continued, and his enemies prevailed against him, to the extent of their wishes.

Art. 21. The true-born Englishman's unmasked Battery: Containing Remarks on the Preliminary Articles of Peace, grounded upon undeniable Facts, fhewing the fatal Tendency of granting

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the French a Fishery, and restoring our most important Conquests. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Hunt.

The battery here erected to demolish the peace, is not a formi dable one. The Author being a very forry Engineer, his remarks may be foon difmounted ;-not a fingle argument has he brought to play against the Preliminaries, which the political Cobler of Cripplegate would not eafily fpike up with his tobacco-ftopper.

Art. 22. A Letter from the Cocoa-Tree to the Country-Gentlemen. 4to. 6d. Nicoll.

On the first appearance of this alarming epiftle, fome people were filled with terrible apprehenfions. Formerly the cry was, the Church is in danger! but now the K-g is in danger! was the dreadful found that rung in many a loyal ear for a few days; till ufe rendering it familiar, and no real caufe for the clamour appearing, it accordingly ceafed to produce the effect intended, and the frightful alarm-bell was foon regarded only as a founding brafs or a tinkling cymbal.

The import of the outcry was this, "An oppofition is forming! could I think it perfectly decent, I would call it a formed defign against his majesty's independance, and liberty in exercising the most conftitutional prerogatives of his crown. The declared and avowed intention of the great perfons engaged in it, is to command the prefent reign, and dictate to their fovereign; humbly to inform him, to whom he shall give, not only the direction of the public affairs, but even his private affection and efteem."

We were farther told, that two noble perfons, and a third ftill more noble, had declared themfelves the patrons and leaders of this oppofition; and after mentioning the fubjects of their complaint, (viz. that the Tories are received into places of truft and profit, and that peace was in greater favour at court than war) their identity is thus plainly pointed out." But, in truth, what do they propofe? That one of them fhould indulge his natural difpofition, and pleafe himself with the hopes of finding his account in tumults and confufion; in parliamentary difputes, and the riots of elections, is nothing wonderful. They may recal a momentary youth, and bring back to his imagination thofe illuftrious fcenes, in which he first display ed his political abilities. Experience then taught him the value of thofe active virtues, and habitude has confirmed him in his good opinion of their merit. Even age, and its unavoidable infirmities, have not convinced him of the breach of character, in engaging again in the contents of ambition with people, who are only entering on this busy tumultuous fcene. I do not mean to blame, and I fhall not prefume to pity him. Whoever has not in himfelf, and his own underftanding, the refources of retirement and felf-enjoyment, is allowed to go abroad, at whatever indecent hour, for amufement and diffipa

Thus reviving (according to our Author) thofe unhappy distinctions under which our fathers were enlifted, and engaged in almost civil war.

tion. His age, however, might juftiy ftartle the most fanguine fpirits, that found their future hopes of ambition upon a life of more than threefcore and ten. But fome gentlemen, furely influenced, rather by a principle of gratitude, than any reasonable appearance of his fuccefs in this defperate project, have refigned their employments, . ufeful at leaft, if not abfolutely neceffary to their economy. What have they to expect from a life of feventy years, animated by the fhort and wafting vigour of the rage of faction, and an unnatural ambitiou?'

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The Writer then goes on to mention the fecond person in this formidable triumvirate. "The SECOND noble perfon," fays he, "is of fo different a character; fo naturally an enemy to violent and cipitate councils, that it is amazing, by what-influences he could be wrought to engage in the prefent fyftem of oppofition. He certainly does not forefee the unhappy confequences, into which he will unavoidably, and without a poffibility of retreating, be led by thefe engagements. He, who loves his country, and reveres the conflitution, is expofing them both to certain confufion, and, at leaft, probable diftrefs. There is another circumstance, with regard to this noble Perfon, not a little fingular. With all affection and reverence for his Majefty, he is entering into league and amity with a party, who are determined to difìrefs his measures, and infult his administration.

"It is wholly foreign to the defign of this letter, to inquire into the circumstances, either of his refignation or difniffion. I hope, however, he does not think it the right of fubjects, only, to refent, and that princes are to be infenfible to the neglect of duty, and the indecent behaviour of their fervants. But if the noble perfon founds his oppofition upon the indignity, whether real or fuppofed, with which he has been treated, where fhall we fix our ideas of virtue, particularly that firft of virtues, the love of our country, when a man fhall dare to avow his private refentment, as a juftifiable reason for his oppofing publick meafures? Upon this plea, the late Lord Bolingbroke has juftified his entering into the fervice of the Pretender, and his leaving it. "But an ancient family is d fhonoured by such an indignity." What right has any man to plead the merit and fervices of his ancestors, who has himfelf deviated from that line of conduct, which they thought duty to their Sovereign?

But, as I conceive, we are deeply interefted in the conduct of this noble Perfon. We are therefore authorifed to inquire into the motives of it, and I think we may rely upon the following account. He had early in life conceived fome very exalted notions of the rights of whiggifm to direct the administration, and to govern the Sovereign. He therefore could no longer hold an employment, by which he was obliged to the mortification of feeing the Tories, fight hateful, fight tormenting! received at court, upon equal terms of grace and favour with other fubjects, in proportion to their perfonal merit, their birth and fortune. He was fometimes obliged by his office to introduce them to the Royal Prefence."

Our Author having thus, with his fofteft pencil, sketched the Dof Dre's picture, he refumes the harsh one with which he

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had fo roughly figured out that of the poor D of N

and now lafhes away a grim-vifaged Saracen's head, with fome peculiar traits in it, defigned to make it pass for that of the D Cd.

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The THIRD noble Perfon," fays he, "feels it a matter worthy of his indignation, that his Sovereign will not again enter into his nonage, and fubmit himself to a fecond pupillage. He would gain by force that power, with which neither the wildom of his royal Father, or the apprehenfions of the people, would intruft him in the year 1751. But of what injuries does he complain? He has been treated, during the prefent reign, and more especially during the prefent adminiftration, with every diftinction due to his rank and relation to the crown. Even in the latest instance. When a plan was formed by the miniftry for the reduction of the Havanna, it was immediately fent to him for his approbation. The commander in chief was appointed according to his nomination. Every thing he asked, in order to fecure the fuccefs of the expedition, was inftantly complied with. The vigour of the miniftry feemed to fecond his demands. Never were any troops better appointed. Upon what pretence of complaint, therefore, can He enter into an unnatural alliance in oppofition to the interefts of his own family? What views of future power can tempt Him to join with a man, whom he most fincerely detefts, to diftrefs the crown, to which he is fo nearly related? Is it Agrippina's impotence of ambition, eo ledi, quia non regnaret? Does he confider himself a Prince of the blood, and is this his proper conduct? Does he acknowledge himself a fubject, and is this his proof of duty to his Sovereign? But, in truth, he is as much a fubject to the crown, and, in all huanan probability, as far removed from the throne, as any private gentleman in England. Oliver Cromwell indeed rofe to the tyranny of his country, as a private gentleman, and Richard the third, as an uncle.

"We have often been reproached with our apprehenfions of military power. Whether thofe apprehenfions were in themselves juít, or not, we certainly were juftified, in being watchful to repel even a poffible danger, to formidable, indeed fo fatal, to the liberty of our country. It is wildom to forefce fuch danger; it is courage to meet it in its approach; it is our duty to die or to repel it. But now, what will they, who used to impute our fears to us as crimes; what will they fay now? when the profeffion of the oppofition is to govern the King abfolutely; when the leader of that oppofition is a military leader, who has hardly any other ideas of government, than what he learned in the German difcipline, which our foldiers, unused to fuch feverity, fuch cruelty, fo fenfibly felt, and fo loudly refented. If this man comes into power by violence, he muft maintain it by violence. Yet when he places himself at the head of faction, every officer, who has a feat in parliament, and joins under fuch a leader, in fuch a caufe, muft give us very ferious apprehenfions. We cannot look upon fuch a member of parliament, as a man merely following his own opinion in civil matters: whenever he fucceeds, he becomes an instrument to opprefs the liberty of a free people, Eut when this commander

commander in chief both of the King and army fhall pour abroad bis fpirit upon the foldiery- -The unhappy Roman, upon whom Sylla either forgot, or neglected to fmile, was butchered by his guards."

Having thus, in our most fincere opinion, grofsly mifreprefented as honest a man as ever was vilified, he proceeds to mention a certain very popular and right honourable gentleman, of whofe influence thefe dangerous ringleaders may find means to avail themfelves, in order to carry their fchemes into execution. -Thus, he con

cludes, "three or four families have formed an oppofition, that dares to threaten and infult their Sovereign. They have affumed to themfelves, as moft honourable, the no longer existing title of whigs; they have given to us, country-gentlemen, as molt ignominious, the no longer exifting name of tories."

We do not think it worth while to trouble our Readers with any remarks on this well-written though invidious pamphlet; but proceed to take notice of the pieces to which it hath given birth.

Art. 23. A Letter to the Whigs, with fome Remarks on a Letter to the Tories. 4to. 6d. Nicoll.

Apprehenfive that the fire of party may poffibly be re-kindled by the revival of thofe low, exploded terms, Whig and Tory, it is with concern we have feen them of late fo much ufed by our political writers. It is fervile and fcandalous for free-men to rank themfelves under fuch vile, unmeaning, or worse than unmeaning denominations! Away with them to Paris or to Rome, where, to be the flaves of flaves, is the humiliating birthright of the wretched natives!

The Author of this pamphlet, however, appears in the character of a Moderator. He profeffes himself a whig, but he relents not the inflammatory defign of the Letter to the Tories, which is the subject of the foregoing article; which we think every honeft Englishman ought to refent, until the Author of that extraordinary pamphlet shall have demonstrated the reality of the iniquitous project which he charges upon the three noble perfonages. All that this conciliatory Writer contends for, is (what, indeed, every wife man, every true friend to his country, will acquiefce in) that there fhall be no contention, i. e. that the Whigs and Tories fhould unite, and thereby fecond the endeavours of our young monarch, for promoting the univerfal happinefs of his people. This, no doubt, were a confummation devoutly to be wifh'd: notwithstanding our best politicians are agreed, that the liberty of the fubject is never fo much in danger as when no danger is fufpected. To which we thall be bold to add, without expreffing or feeling any apprehenfions with regard to the difpofition or conduct of the reigning Prince, that all adminiftrations of government naturally tend toward Defpotifm; that Liberty is an ineltimable jewel, which we can never be too watchful in guarding and defending; and that having no right to relinquish it, if we were fo inclined, it is our indifpenfible duty to fee it tranfmitted fafe and inviolate to our pofte

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