with Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. Imitating the virtue, the piety, the love of liberty, so conspicuous in our pious ancestors, like them let us exert ourselves for the good of posterity. With diligence let us cultivate the spirit of liberty, of public virtue, of union and religion, and thus strengthen the hands of government and the great pillars of the state. Our own consciences will reproach us, and the world condemn us, if we do not properly respect, and obey, and reverence the government of our own choosing. The eyes of the whole world are upon us in these critical times, and, what is yet more, the eyes of Almighty God. Let us act worthy of our professed principles, of our glorious cause, that in some good measure we may answer the expectations of God and of men. Let us cultivate the heavenly temper, and sacredly regard the great motive of the world to come. And God of his mercy grant the blessings of peace may soon succeed to the horrors of war, and that from the enjoyment of the sweets of liberty here we may in our turn and order go to the full enjoyment of the nobler liberties above, in that New Jerusalem, that city of the living God, that is enlightened by the glory of God and of the Lamb. AMEN. 30* BEING THE ANNIVERSARY FOR THE ELECTION OF THE HONORABLE COUNCIL. BY SIMEON HOWARD, A. M. N. B. Several paffages omitted in preaching are now inferted in the publication of this discourse. BOSTON, NEW-ENGLAND: Printed by JOHN GILL, in COURT-STREET. MDCCLXXX. STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, IN COUNCIL, June 1, 1780. Ordered, That Moses Gill, Henry Gardner, and Timothy Danielson, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Simeon Howard, and return him the thanks of this Board for his Sermon delivered yesterday before both Houses of the General Assembly; and to request a copy thereof for the press. True Copy. Attest, SAMUEL ADAMS, Secretary. EDITOR'S PREFATORY NOTE. ..... 'AT the commencement of the dispute, in the first effusions of their zeal, and looking upon the service to be only temporary, the American officers entered into it without paying any regard to pecuniary or selfish considerations. It is not, indeed, consistent with reason or justice to expect that one set of men should make a sacrifice of property, domestic ease, and happiness, encounter the rigors of the field, the perils and vicissitudes of war, to obtain those blessings which every citizen will enjoy in common with them, without some adequate compensation. It must also be a comfortless reflection to any man, that, after he may have contributed to securing the rights of his country at the risk of his life and the ruin of his fortune, there would be no provision made to prevent himself and family from sinking into indigence and wretchedness." These were among the reflections presented by Washington, in January, 1778, to a committee of Congress on the causes of the numerous defects in the military establishment. He recommended a "half-pay establishment," or life pension to the officers after the close of the war. "Besides," he added, "adopting some methods to make the provision for officers equal to their present emergencies, a due regard should be paid to futurity. Nothing, in my opinion, would serve more powerfully to reänimate their languishing zeal, and interest them thoroughly in the service, than a halfpay establishment. This would not only dispel the apprehension of personal distress, at the termination of the war, from having thrown themselves out of professions and employments they might not have it in their power to resume, but would, in a great degree, relieve the painful anticipation of leaving their widows and orphans a burden on the charity of their country, should it be their lot to fall in its defence." May 15th, 1778, Congress passed resolves which for a time relieved the distresses of the army; but the inability of the public to perform their engagements, and the depression of public credit in subsequent years, "caused such dis |