which were in the harbours of Norway, has taken down the Danish flag, and hoisted another in its stead, and arrested their commanders, our servants. Since, after the treaty of peace which we have signed, and the renunciation of our claims on Norway, we neither do nor will acknowledge in that kingdom any other authority than that of his Majesty the King of Sweden, we cannot but be highly displeased at what has been done there, contrary to the treaty and our express orders; and the more so, as every civil officer, from the highest to the lowest, who had been appointed by us, as well as every other of our subjects in Norway, is released from his allegiance and duties towards us, on the sole condition of fulfilling, as far as he is concerned, the stipulations of the treaty of peace. "At the same time that we make this known, we forbid every one of the officers whom we have nominated in Norway to accept or to retain any employment whatever, in that kingdom in its present state; we recall all the civil officers in the kingdom of Norway who are not natives of that country, and who regard Denmark, or any of the countries belonging to it, as their native country; and command them to return within four weeks from the time when they shall be made acquainted with this letter, under pain of forfeiting our favour, and all the rights, advantages, and privileges, which they do or might enjoy as native Danish subjects. Given at our Court at Copenhagen, April 13th, 1814. Declaration of the Allied Powers on the Breaking Off of the Negotiations at Chatillon. The Allied Powers owe it to themselves, to their people, and to France, as soon as the negociations at Chatillon are broken off, publicly to declare the reasons which induced them to enter into negociations with the French Government, as well as the causes of the breaking off of the negociations. Military events to which history can produce no parallel, overthrew in the month of October last, the ill-constructed edifice, known under the name of the French Empire; an edifice erected on the ruins of States lately independent and happy, augmented by conquests from ancient monarchies, and held together at the expense of the blood, of the fortunes, of the welfare of a whole generation. The Allied Sovereigns, led by conquest to the Rhine, thought it their duty to proclaim to Europe anew, their principles, their wishes, and their object. Far from every wish of domination or conquest, animated solely by the desire to see Europe restored to a just balance of the different Powers, resolved not to lay down their arms till they had obtained the noble object of their efforts, they made known the irrevocableness of their resolutions by a public act, and they did not hesitate to declare themselves to the enemy's Government in a manner conformable to their unalterable determination. The French Government made use of the frank declarations of the Allied Powers to express inclinations to peace. It certainly had need need of the appearance of this inclination, in order to justify in the eyes of its people the new exertions which it did not cease to require. But every thing, however, convinced the allied Cabinets, that it merely endeavoured to take advantage of the appearance of a negociation, in order to prejudice the nation in its favour, but that the peace of Europe was very far from its thoughts. The Powers, penetrating its secret views, resolved to go and conquer, in France itself, the long desired peace. Numerous armies crossed the Rhine; scarcely were they passed the first frontiers when the French Minister for Foreign Affairs appeared at the outposts. All the proceedings of the French Government had henceforth no other object, than to mislead opinion, to blind the French people, and to throw on the Allies the odium of all the miseries attendant on an invasion. The course of events had given the Allies a proof of the full power of the European league. The principles which, since their first union for the common good, had animated the counsels of the Allied Sovereigns were fully developed; no, thing more hindered them from unfolding the conditions of the reconstruction of the common edifice: these conditions must be such as were no hindrance to peace after so many conquests. The only power calculated to throw into the scale indemnifications for France, England, could speak openly respecting the sacriSices which it was ready to make for a general peace. The Allied Sovereigns were permitted to hope This experience might have convinced that the support of thrones is principally dependent on moderation and probity. The Allied Powers, however, convinced that the trial which they made must not endanger the military operations, saw that these operations must be continued during the negociations. The experience of the past, and afflicting recollections, shewed them the necessity of this step.— Their Plenipotentiaries met those of the French Government. Meantime the victorious armies approached the gates of the capital. The Government took every mea sure to prevent its falling into our hands. The plenipotentiary of France received orders to propose an armistice, upon conditions which were similar to those which the Allies themselves judged necessary for the restoration of general peace. He offered the immediate surrender of the fortresses in the countries which France was to give up, on condition of a suspension of military operations. The Allied Courts, convinced by 20 years' experience, that in nego ciations with the French cabinet, it was necessary carefully to distin guish the apparent from the real intention, proposed instead of this immediately to sign preliminaries This measure would of peace. have had for France all the advan tages tages of an armistice, without ex posing the Allies to the danger of a suspension of arms. Some partial advantages, however, accompanied the first motions of an army collected under the walls of Paris, composed of the flower of the present generation, the last hope of the nation, and the remainder of a million of warriors, who, either fallen on the field of battle, or left on the way from Lisbon to Moscow, have been sacrificed for interests with which France had no concern. Immediately the negociations at Chatillon assumed another appearance. The French plenipotentiary remained without instructions, and went away instead of answering the representations of the Allied Courts. They commissioned their plenipotentiaries to give in the projet of a preliminary treaty, containing all the grounds which they deemed necessary for the restoration of a balance of power, and which a few days before had been presented by the French Government itself, at a moment, doubtless, when it conceived its existence in danger. It contained the ground-work for the restoration of Europe. France restored to the frontiers, which, under the government of its Kings, had insured to it ages of glory and prosperity, was to have with the rest of Europe the blessings of liberty, national indepen-, dence, and peace. It depended absolutely on its government to end by a single word the sufferings of the nation, to restore to it with peace, its colonies, its trade, and the restitution of its industry What did it want more? The Allies now offered, with a spirit of pacification, to discuss its wishes upon the subject of mutual convenience, which should extend the frontiers of France beyond what' they were before the wars of the revolution. Fourteen days elapsed without any answer being returned by the' French Government. The Plenipotentiaries of the Allies insisted' on the fixing of a day for the acceptance or rejection of the conditions of peace. They left the French Plenipotentiary the liberty' to present a contre projet, on condition that this contre projet should agree in spirit, and in its general' contents, with the conditions proposed by the Allied Courts. The roth of March was fixed by the mutual consent of both parties.— This term being arrived, the French Plenipotentiary produced nothing but pieces, the discussion of which, far from advancing the proposed object, could only have caused fruitless negociations: A delay of a few days was granted at the desire of the French Plenipotentiary. On March 15, he at last delivered a contre projet, which left no doubt that the sufferings of France had not yet changed the views of its Government. The French Government, receding from what it had itself proposed, demanded, in a new projet, that nations, which were quite foreign to France, which a domination of many ages could' not have amalgamated with the French nation, should now remain a part of it; that France should retain frontiers inconsistent with the fundamental principles of equilibrium, and out of all proportion with the other great Powers of Europe; that it should remain master of the same positions and points of aggression, by means of : which its Government, to the misfortune of Europe and that of France, had effected the fall of so many thrones, and so many revolutions that members of the family reigning in France should be placed on Foreign thrones; the French Government, in short that Government which, for so many years, has sought to rule no less by discord than by force of arms, was to remain the arbiter of the external concerns of the powers of Europe. By continuing the negociations under such circumstances, the Allies would have neglected what they owed to themselves, they would from that moment have deviated from the glorious goal they bad before them, their efforts would have been turned solely against their people. By signing a treaty upon the principles of the French projet, the Allies would have laid their arms in the hands of the common enemy; they would have betrayed the expectation of nations, and the confidence of their allies. It is in a moment so decisive for the welfare of the world, that the Allied Sovereigns renew this solemn engagement, till they shall have attained the great object of their union. France has to blame its Government alone for its sufferings. Peace alone can heal the wounds which a spirit of universal dominion, unexampled in history, has produced. This peace shall be the peace of Europe: no other can be accepted. It is at length time that Princes should watch over the welfare of the people without foreign influence, that nations should respect their natural independence, that social institutions should be protected from daily revolutions, property respected, and trade free. All Europe has absolutely the same wish to make France participate in the blessings of peace; France, whose dismemberment the Allied Powers neither can nor will permit. The confidence in their promises may be found in the principles for which they contend. But whence shall the Sovereigns infer that France will take part in the principles that must fix the happiness of the world, so long as they sce that the same ambition, which has brought so many misfortunes on Europe, is still the sole spring that actuates the government: that while French blood is shed in torrents, the general interest is always sacrificed to private ?— Whence, under such circumstances, should be the guarantee for the future, if such a desolating system found no check in the general will of the nation? Then is the peace of Europe insured, and nothing shall in future be able to disturb it. DEPOSITION OF NAPOLEON. Extract from the Registers of the Conservative Senate. Sitting of April 3, under the Presidency of Senator Count Barthelemey. The Sitting which had been adjourned was resumed at 4 o'clock, when the Senator Count Lambrechts read the revised and adopted plan of the decree which passed in the sitting of yesterday. It is in the following terms: The Conservative Senate, considering that in a constitutional monarchy, the Monarch exists only in virtue of the constitution or social compact: That Napoleon Buonaparte, during a certain period of firm and prudent government, afforded to the nation reasons to calculate for the future on acts of wisdom and justice; but that, afterwards, he violated the compact which united him to the French people, particularly in levying imposts and establishing taxes otherwise than in virtue of the law, against the express tenour of the oath which he had taken on his ascending the throne, conformable to Article 53, of the Act of the Constitutions of the 28th Floreal, year 12: That he committed this attack on the rights of the people, even in adjourning, without necessity, the Legislative Body, and causing to be suppressed, as criminal, a report of that Body, the title of which, and its share in the national representation, he disputed: That he undertook a series of wars in violation of Article 50 of the Act of the Constitution of the 22d Frimaire, year 8, which purports, that declarations of war should be proposed, debated, decreed, and promulgated in the same manner as laws : That he issued, unconstitutionally, several decrees, inflicting the punishment of death; particularly the two decrees of the 5th of March last, tending to cause to be considered as national, a war which would not have taken place but for the interests of his boundless ambition: That he violated the constitutional laws by his decrees respecting the prisoners of the State: That he annulled the responsi bility of the Ministers, confounded all authorities, and destroyed the independence of judicial bodies. Considering that the liberty of the press, established and consecrated as one of the rights of the nation, has been constantly subjected to the arbitrary control of the Police, and that at the same time he has always made use of the press to fill France and Europe with misrepresentations, false maxims, doctrines favourable to despotism, and insults on foreign governments: That acts and reports heard by the Senate have undergone alterations in the publication: Considering that, in instead of reigning according to the terms of his oath, with a sole view to the interest, and happiness, and the glory of the French people, Napoleon completed the misfortunes of his country, by his refusal to treat on conditions which the national interests required him to accept, and which did not compromise the French honour : By the abuse which he made of all the means intrusted to him in men and money: By the abandonment of the wounded without dressings, without assistance, and without subsistence: By various measures, the consequences of which were the ruin of the towns, the depopulation of the country, famine, and contagious diseases: Considering that, for all these causes, the Imperial Government established by the Senatus Consultum of the 28th Foreal, year 12, has ceased to exist, and that the wish manifested by all Frenchmen calls |