291 formed upon a very uncertain estimate. To the loud and disputable religious claims of that day have, however, been attributed, with great probability, the infamous facility with which men of fashion rushed into the other extreme so shamelessly and completely when the old system was restored. § 9. In Ireland the church was pretty completely overthrown so early as the autumn of 1641. Then unexpectedly occurred the horrid Irish massacre, from which it was expected Protestantism never would have recovered in that country, and for which, after a few years, Cromwell exacted ample vengeance®. To what extent Protestant blood was shed in this ferocious outbreak, and in the rebellious movements consequent upon it, has been disputed. Some accounts make more than three hundred thousand adherents of a scriptural faith to have been slain in the massacre, and within the two succeeding years of trouble. Romish extenuation would fain bring the whole number of sufferers down to eight thousand: but the computations appearing most worthy of reliance, take those who fell during the first slaughter at forty thousand. To this number must, however, be added the frightful sacrifice of Protestant life which continued during most of the two following years. The whole period between the Irish massacre and the king's violent death was, indeed, marked by feeble endeavours to uphold the established worship, but really Romanism had gained full possession of the land, and Romish prelates acted as if the church were legally their own. As a preliminary to an entire seizure of the establishment, they held two synods, one provincial, at Armagh, another, national, at Kilkenny, which pronounced the series of treacherous and sanguinary atrocities by which the island was polluted and disgraced, a just and lawful war. When the long Parliament established its powers, papal exertions against episcopal Protestantism were seconded by a prohibition of the Common Prayer, and orders to supersede it by 8 The English government had been rendered uneasy before the close of 1640, by numerous arrivals in Ireland from the continent, but English difficulties rendered the knowledge of this fact useless. The place at which the rebellion seems chiefly to have been arranged, was an old Franciscan convent in Westmeath. "Through the rest of the island not one note of fear or of preparation interrupted the awful tranquillity of that summer" of 1641. Phelan, 315. the Directory in all the churches of Dublin'. The country, probably, was inaccessible to Protestantism in any form. § 10. As the Presbyterians, disgusted by the prevalence of independency, had concurred with the royalists in restoring Charles II., they were, at first, sanguine as to the success of their cherished plans for remodelling the church. What was called a Comprehension, seemed to them not only a desirable, but also a practicable object. Nor was the king, seemingly, unfavourable to such a plan. His declaration from Breda, promising such liberty to tender consciences as was consistent with the public peace', was naturally taken as a pledge of a policy essentially tolerant. He meant, however, toleration to be general, and consequently, to include Romanists". But the Presbyterians only thought of themselves, and his appointment of eight eminent divines, with two or three of less note, from their body, among the royal chaplains, appeared an evidence of his disposition to befriend the party which had served him so importantly. But of the Presbyterian chaplains, only five ever had the honour of preaching before him, and they not more than once": nor were sufficient indications wanting, as soon as the royal authority seemed pretty firmly established, that the ancient religious establishment, with such modifications, perhaps, as recent and present circumstances dictated, would soon regain its former position in the country. The incumbents, however, of benefices of which the former possessors had died since ejection, were still allowed to retain them, notwithstanding any defects of their ecclesiastical character, and upon the whole, such an appearance of moderation characterized all the king's earlier proceedings, as readily led low-churchmen into confident expectations of some ultimate settlement that coincided with their own interests. Charles himself, probably, regarded with weariness and contempt the speculative opinions of both parties. It is now well known, that such religious opinions as he possessed were favourable to Rome. But as he could not allow even a hint of such predilections to transpire without hazarding the gaiety and splendour 9 Mant, 585. See the paragraph in Collier, ii. 2 Neal, iii. 49. 870. which he valued above all things, his mind naturally inclined towards prelacy. It was the system of ecclesiastical polity identified with that of the church to which he was secretly attached, it was dear to most of his own warmest friends, and as a national institution, it was all but coeval with the monarchy itself. Presbyterianism, on the other hand, notwithstanding its recent services to the throne, was identified with all the bitterest mortifications and sufferings of his life, was odious to his firmest adherents, and treated with the fiercest intolerance the only form of religious belief that had taken the least hold upon his affections. In such a case, it was easy to see, that, without some such reaction in the public mind as appeared far from likely during the first months after the Restoration, Presbyterian hopes would quickly be found fallacious. As it was, however, neither decent nor politic, to dash them on the ground without an appearance of treating them with due attention, Charles announced, in the October after his return, a design of placing a review of the Common Prayer under consideration of an equal number of divines of the episcopal and the presbyterian parties. This pledge was redeemed in the following spring, when the commissioners nominated met each other at the bishop of London's apartments in the Savoy. From the place of meeting, this memorable transaction is known as the Savoy Conference. When the two parties confronted each other, the bishops fairly enough treated the whole business as intended merely for the satisfaction of their opponents, having no wishes of their own for any alteration. They desired, accordingly, a full statement in writing of every thing that the Presbyterian managers recommended, and utterly refused to enter at once upon those oral discussions which the latter pressed upon them. In adopting this course, they are charged by opponents with an artful intention of drawing from the Presbyterians such a catalogue of objections as would exhaust public patience, and make the party seem incapable of any satisfaction, unless its own very wide expectations were consulted at the expense of those entertained by all the world besides. If any such management were contemplated, it certainly was very much forwarded by Presbyterian indiscretion. Not only were numerous exceptions to the liturgy presented, but also Baxter, perhaps the ablest and most influential man of his party, offered for consideration a new liturgy drawn up by himself within the compass of a single fortnight just before. His brethren had examined and approved it; but such a hasty composition could obviously maintain no sort of competition with the concentrated liturgical labours of ages which the Common Prayer comprises, and its appearance before the episcopal commissioners was, therefore, an undeniable indiscretion in the Presbyterian party. Baxter's own reason for preparing it rather worsens the case. He wished to leave, he says, a standing memorial, that neither he nor his brethren objected to a stated form of prayer3. Thus, he substantiated the common objection to his own party, and to similar opponents of existing institutions, that they have no real objection to the objects of their opposition, but only to see them vested in any other hands than their own. Besides preparing this liturgy, Baxter also drew up what he called a Petition for Peace, which is, in fact, a document of considerable power, urging the impossibility of Presbyterian conformity, and the evils that must result both to clergy and laity if it should be pressed. He evidently threatens, rather than intreats, and upon the whole, the services of this, their ablest champion, were disadvantageous to the Presbyterian party, by making it appear unlikely to rest satisfied with any thing short of that exclusive ascendancy for which it had contended ever since the beginning of Elizabeth's feign. The episcopal party, however, notwithstanding the unpromising nature of the opposition with which it had to grapple, answered the numerous objections presented with great care and minuteness. But no real progress was made in considering the need of any alterations in the liturgy, until a long paper controversy had nearly exhausted the time allowed in the commission. Then, to render the proceedings productive of some definite end, a disputation took place as to the liturgical expectations of the Presbyterian party. This, however, speedily bore an interminable aspect from the branching off of objections into the two 4 "This gave great offence." Neal, iii. 87. 5 Short's Sketch of the Hist. Ch. Engl. Lond. 1838. p. 491. 6 The answers may be seen in Collier, ii. 897. heads of inexpediency and sinfulness. To cut it short, Bp. Cosin produced a paper which called upon the Presbyterians to state in writing the matters considered sinful. This was answered by a charge, that the Common Prayer-book was flatly sinful, and contrary to the Word of God, in requiring ministers to use the sign of the cross in baptism, to wear surplices, to pronounce all the baptised regenerate, to admit unfit persons to the Eucharist, to insist upon kneeling when it was received, to absolve the unfit, to speak of all persons buried as those whom God has taken to himself, and to subscribe all the public formularies of the church as free from any thing contrary to the Word of God. A debate ensued upon kneeling at the Sacrament, which produced a great deal of noise, heat, and subtle syllogistic argumentation, giving the town an opportunity of ridiculing the two principal disputants, but leaving both parties just as irreconcileable as ever. The Episcopalians being by far the more numerous when the dispute concluded, the sinfulness of kneeling was denied by a great majority. The Presbyterians having thus utterly failed of impressing their views of sinfulness upon the other party, and there being evidently no greater chance of effecting this in any of the remaining cases, they proceeded to urge the general good behaviour of their body, the services that it had rendered in the Restoration, and the danger of disregarding it from a mere regard to the spiritual wants of the nation. The bishops, however, denied any power to entertain such questions, professing themselves authorized only to make those alterations in the liturgy which were necessary, and adding, that in strict accuracy, they knew of none that could be made bearing that character'. In this nanner the conference broke up, the time allowed by the commission having expired, and both parties having left it with an increase of mutual dissatisfaction. Still the government was desirous of showing a desire to consider the dissenting body, and accordingly, a royal message came down to Convocation in the following November, enjoining a review of the book of Common Prayer. After a month's attention this review was completed, and signed unanimously in both houses. It made various additions and alterations in the Liturgy, 7 Neal, iii. 91. |