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Lie z BIOPsci f der rie by that acthority V Isus 21 mmri va sarsa defence, and its expulsion ÷m misa cuces the Jetta fond a refire in 40s via ari ng ir na try. Russia and Prein became ter prices. The agement patronBet tiem » ueriu 21 de la must sulgers, and maintained that any amendin 2 pa buls vas of the gosta at the court of Berin, vien ting seemed lay to emmise the wedare of Prismi siters. In the Bosun empire, the Jesuits were pahley parrained by the bishop of Mohiloff, cure a Calumet ben was now professed hocanism with all the ardour of a promine, and wel knew how useful a wellorganized methéatia, vai is Iversided machinery, and elasLe soosdience must be in maintaining and sprvaling his new system of böt. By this prelate's means, the Jesuits were regularly embodied in White Russia; and when the Spanish ourt remonstrated the empress Catharine not only disclaimed all forelem diatic, bet even armed a vicar-general of the Jislite to be chosen among ber subjects, and invested with the privileges which such a superior had usually enjoyed. She admitted that grounds of exception existed against the Jesuits, but denied that a sufficient case had been made out for recent severities against them'.

§ 6. But although governments hostile to the papal church were thus blindly bent upon nursing the discomfited remnant of her most effective defenders, she still continued to receive severe wounds within her own pale. The German emperor, Jomph II, who succeeded his mother, Maria Theresa, in 1780, speedily began upon a series of ecclesiastical reforms in the Austrian states, which violently alarmed the court of Rome. Though a professed member of the Romish communion, he really cared little or nothing for doctrinal questions, and was quite willing to let his subjects enjoy all their old opinions, and many of their old superstitions, if he could only increase his own power at the expense of the church. He began by imposing restrictions upon bulls and rescripts from

Spanish minister's narrative is this hypothesis; making it hat the attack in April was the

first step in a continuous illness.
• Coote, 230.

Rome. He then exempted monasteries and missionary colleges from obedience to superiors at the papal court, forbade the remittance of money into foreign countries for masses, and the solicitation of dignities at Rome without his permission. He even ordered the discontinuance of pilgrimages, and a diminution of images and ornaments in churches. He granted, besides, a free toleration both to Protestants and members of the Greek church; nor did he hesitate to dissolve a great number of monasteries, converting their buildings into colleges, hospitals, or barracks. The pope was farther outraged, by a claim to the patronage of bishoprics and other benefices in the Italian states of Austria. John Angelo Braschi, under the designation of Pius VI., now occupied Ganganelli's place. He was a vain man, of no great depth, and he fancied that a personal interview with Joseph might arrest his obnoxious projects. To the suprise, therefore, of Europe, and against better judgments than his own, he made light of his advanced age, and undertook a journey to Vienna. He was received with great courtesy there, but very closely watched, and found himself utterly incapable of making any impression upon the innovating emperor, who professed himself a thorough Catholic at heart, but, at the same time, quite resolved upon exercising the rights of a sovereign to make such reforms among his clergy, both secular and regular, as were urgently required. Pius returned home deeply mortified; and his annoyance was increased by the levity displayed at Rome, where the people were amused by their old sovereign's fruitless errand, however they might really be interested in its success. Joseph's example was not lost upon other Romish countries: even Spain and Portugal showed symptoms of awakening from the deep papal lethargy which had long weighed them down. The cabinet of Madrid claimed privileges analogous to those of the Gallican church, and reduced the Inquisition to a mere engine of political oppression. The court of Lisbon authorized publications encouraging such free inquiry as did not interfere with the religious principles of Romanism, and placed restrictions upon the taking of monastic vows. Naples and Venice, too, sup

$ Coote, 234.

6 Collins, 202.

pressed many monasteries. Thus, a general spirit of revolt arose throughout the papal world.

§ 7. The emperor Joseph's brother, and eventual successor, Leopold, who was originally placed on the grand ducal throne of Tuscany, preceded him in attacking the abuses of Romanism there. So early as the year 1770, he caused a collection to be made and published, exposing the weak parts of the papal system. In this were exhibited, among other matters equally unsatisfactory to the dominant church, the steps by which papal power has been established. Tuscany was invited to consider the transfer of the imperial court from Rome to Constantinople, the Roman bishop's adroit improvement of the iconoclastic re-action, and his legitimation of the Carlovingian kings on the throne of France'. All these, indeed, are trite historical facts; but they are little known to the mass of men, and they tend to account for papal greatness in a manner injurious to its hold upon the religious feelings of mankind. Subsequently, Leopold abolished the inviolability of those numerous asylums which the churches of his country afforded, encouraging the vicious in crimes, and rendering them almost careless of detection. Officers of justice were allowed to drag offenders from these privileged places, but their sanctity was still so far respected as to entitle criminals to a lower punishment than they would have undergone, if captured under ordinary circumstances'. Attempts were also made to wean the people from some of the grosser superstitions. A violent clamour was raised against these obvious advances to social improvement, both at Rome and elsewhere. Leopold was compared to Henry VIII., and his principal ecclesiastical adviser, Scipio de Ricci, bishop of Pistoia and Prato, was denounced as a manifest heretic. The grand duke, however, stood immoveably to his purpose; rendering the clergy liable to the same taxation as other men'; taking measures for securing the independence of his church upon Rome, or any other foreign authority; restraining females of tender age from binding themselves by monastie vows; diminishing church pageantry; suppressing the Inquisition; preventing spiritual

↑ Coote, 235.

Memoirs of Scipio de Ricci, i. 273.
Ibid. 74.

1 Thid. 158.
* Ibid. 172.

courts from trying laymen; bringing the clergy under the civil jurisdiction, when charged with ordinary offences; and leaving to ecclesiastical tribunals no cognizance of causes not strictly connected with religion'.

§ 8. But Rome soon found matter for more serious and indignant reflection, than any likely to be afforded by princes who professed a respect for her communion, while they sought additional power at her expense, and an elevation of their subjects above her baser superstitions. In France, it seemed, at one time, as if no terms of any kind would again be made with popery. The church of that country was very wealthy, possessing, besides tithes, nearly half of the land', and hence had become a mark for that envy accumulating in inferior life, which ranged all over the kingdom; especially after the popular infusion which flowed from the assistance given to the revolted colonies of British North America. It had lost also much of its hold upon the superior classes of society, from the general prevalence of a scoffing infidel spirit, which would hear of no reform in the national religion; considering its base pagan alloy as an integral part of Christianity itself; and that, consequently, the whole system was one grand imposture, which a Lucian or a Voltaire might fitly ridicule, and which an enlightened age was bound to overthrow. Even the inferior clergy were very little of a counterpoise to this growing mass of irreligious prejudice. They were, indeed, highly respected generally among their poor parishioners, to whom they rendered every service in their power, and the best instruction that error grafted upon truth allowed. They had, however, rather a loose degree of attachment for the ecclesiastical institutions. of their country as a whole. Their own circumstances were generally straitened; those of their superiors the reverse. Now, men will commonly bear this inequality with tolerable patience, under the buoyancy of hope, when the wealth or splendour in sight may also be within reach. But this alleviation of his narrow lot was hardly open to the humble French ecclesiastic, however sanguine might be his temperament. It is true, that the excessive advantages of birth, which really were the cancer

3 Ibid. 220.

Alison's French Revolution, Edinb. 1833. i. 76.

pressed many monasteries'. Thus, a general arose throughout the papal world.

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

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pon the personal merits of the superior clergy, very impressions have prevailed; some representing them as maerally vicious, others as far from unworthy of their profession. t Most probably, the latter was their preponderating character, however it may have been kept out of sight during the storms of the revolution, which was indisposed against an acknowledgement of merit in any wealthy quarter, but least of all in opulent and aristocratic ecclesiastics.

§ 9. While France was preparing for that meeting of the States-General, which revolutionized the country, the clergy, as might be expected, immediately split into two parties, with all the elements of mutual repulsion. Deputies were chosen, by the prelacy with aristocratic views; by the great body of ecclesiastics, with democratic. To these latter delegates, as to the others from inferior life, an undue weight was impoliticly

$ Alison, 110.

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