structure has risen rapidly, the happiness of America, the glory both of her and Britain. § 29. It is far from satisfactory to know, that religious dissensions furnished a principal opening for effecting the flagitious partition of Poland. The protestants had once formed a numerous and important party in that country, the ground being prepared for their doctrine by a copious infusion of Hussite opinions before Luther arose. But as time advanced, they became a very divided body, many of them adhering to the Saxon confession, but more still embracing the Swiss. Their credit was also, at one time, seriously compromised by the extensive diffusion of Socinianism in Poland3. Hence the Romanists had a very plausible colour for treating them not only as men without any fixed religious opinions, but also as afflicted with a fatal leaning towards unquestionable heresy. They could likewise bring their own compact society to bear with ruinous effect upon a body so disunited and discredited. Hence the Dissidents, as Polish protestants were termed, became defenceless amidst the mass of their hostile countrymen, who took advantage of this condition to despoil them of political rights. They did not, however, tamely submit, but being powerless at home, their suit was urgently pressed upon the neighbouring courts of Petersburg and Berlin. At both it was a very welcome visitor, but especially at the former. Russia desired few things more than power in Poland, and therefore allowed the Dissidents, though really nothing more than a religious party, far from numerous, in a neighbouring kingdom, to have a regular agent in her capital, with whom the imperial ministers were in constant communication. Vainly did the Romish majority controvert the representations thus laid before the Russian government. Catharine, who then occupied with uncommon ability the throne of the Tzars, insisted upon a full restoration of the Dissidents to all their constitutional privileges. Such was, however, the storm occasioned by their claims at home, that all parties within the country became willing to see a compromise, and a partial restoration of their privileges appeared likely to give Poland repose. The * The Socinians were expelled by a decree of the diet in 1658. Krasinski, ii. 396. empress no sooner became acquainted with a prospect so little in unison with her interest, than she stimulated the Polish protestants to rest satisfied with nothing short of unqualified concession, promising to aid them, if necessary, by an army forty thousand strong. The Romish party, aware of the support which its opponents were encouraged to expect, granted certain privileges to the latter, in the diet of 1766. But the Dissidents indignantly rejected them, pronouncing their actual depression a more promising condition than half measures of relief. Thus Poland, which urgently required certain civil reforms to protect her independence, was driven from arrangements to effect them, by the violence of religious dissension. This the courts of Petersburg and Berlin took effectual care to prolong by a treaty bearing a very liberal aspect, concluded in January, 1767, binding the two governments to see a restoration of the Dissidents to all their ancient rights and privileges. An overpowering Russian force extorted this concession from a committee ostensibly authorised by the diet that assembled in October, 1767, and another diet, holden in the following year, confirmed it. But this latter diet was a mere mockery of constitutional forms: it was incomplete in the number of its members, and overawed by Russian bayonets *. Hence the Dissidents recovered their privileges at the price of their country's independence, and the Romish majority was plausibly supplied with a new cause for hating them, in their intimate connection with a dangerous neighbour. That majority found, accordingly, no difficulty in organising confederacies in opposition to privileges granted under such discreditable auspices. Thus Poland was thrown into an intolerable state of anarchy and violence, to the great satisfaction of the neighbouring powers. They watched its miseries until the year 1772, and then affecting to believe them incapable of domestic cure, while they were seriously prejudicial to their own interests, Russia, Austria, and Prussia moved armies in secret concert upon the distracted country, and partitioned it among themselves. 4 Ibid. 530. A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE EARLIER YEARS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.* § 1. Re-establishment of religion in France. § 2. Renewed observance of Sunday. § 3. Opposition to the French Concordat.-§ 4. Papal coronation of Napoleon.--§ 5. Overthrow of the Pope's temporal power.-§ 6. Restoration of the Jesuits.-§ 7. Papal arrangements with France on the restoration of the Bourbons.-§ 8. Movements for the removal of Romish disabilities in England. § 9. Opposition to this removal.-§ 10. Formation of the Catholic Association. § 11. Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts.-§ 12. Removal of Romish disabilities.-§ 13. Cautionary provisions.-§ 14. Continuance of Irish agitation.-§ 15. Suppression of ten Irish sees.-§ 16. Alterations in the English dioceses.-§ 17. Commutation of English tithes.-§ 18. Restraint upon English pluralities-§ 19. Reduction of English chapters.-§ 20. Colonial episcopacy.-§ 21. New academical institutions.-§ 22. American episcopalians.- 23. Conclusion. § 1. HOWEVER desirous the French republicans might be that Rome should not have another Pope, when Pius VI. expired, the great bulk of those who professed its religion felt very differently. Austria gave effect to their wishes. The emperor procured a meeting of the dispersed cardinals at Venice, then an appendage to his monarchy, and they elected, on the 14th of March, 1800, Barnabas Chiaromonti, to fill the papal see. He called himself Pius VII., and within a few weeks of his election, he entered his capital as a sovereign prince, the French armies having sustained such reverses in the preceding autumn as left Southern Italy to its ancient masters. The first transaction of superior importance which came before him was a negociation with the government of France. At the head of it, as first consul, was now Napoleon Buonaparte, one of the ablest men that the human family has ever produced. The master-mind of that seemingly fortunate soldier soon saw clearly that the revolutionary experiment of governing a country without religion had proved a wretched failure. He was not, indeed, so happy as really to have any religious impressions of his own. While in Egypt he had even sought popular support by pretending to a belief in Mahometanism. He was become, however, anxious that France should again profess Romanism, feeling morally certain that some religion was indispensable for the people, and that they were quite unprepared for any other. He opened, accordingly, soon after the papal court was established again, a friendly communication with it, and his overtures were received in a cordial and flattering manner. There was, in fact, no reason to despair of the Romish cause in France, and hence the papacy was eagerly upon the watch for some favourable incident. A considerable degree of religion still remained in the rural districts, notwithstanding the scoffing spirit of infidelity rampant in Paris, and other great towns. A few clergymen kept many of the churches open, and even maintained a stealthy correspondence with their exiled bishops. It was this latter circumstance that Napoleon especially urged upon his council, as an argument for establishing religion anew. These revolutionary statesmen started at the idea of encouraging christianity on its own account, but their instinct as politicians could not overlook the expediency of preventing it from supplying a channel of communication with hostile foreigners. "At present," said Napoleon to them, "fifty bishops in the pay of England direct the French clergy we must immediately destroy their influence. That number of prelates must be appointed by the first consul, and inducted by the pope. Their salaries must be paid by the people, and by them the parish priests must be appointed, with stipends from the same source. All must take the oath, or be driven out of the country. On such terms, the pope will confirm the sale of the national domains, and consecrate the revolution'." Having thus gained a reluctant acquiescence in his views, Napoleon laid his plans for the re-organization of a national church before the court of Rome. They were not such as to meet with ready approval there, and the negotiation accordingly proved very tedious. At length, on the 15th of July, 1801, the Concordat, as it was called, was regularly concluded, although not finally ratified at Rome until the 9th of August, nor legally received in France until the 8th of April, 1802. It declared Romanism the national religion, and established a hierarchy of ten archbishops and fifty bishops. The former were to have salaries of 6007. a year, the latter of 4007., both were to be nominated by the first consul. Parish priests were also to be provided, with assistants, where necessary; their salaries in the larger parishes were to be 607. a year, in the smaller 487. They were to be nominated by the bishops, subject to the first consul's approbation. Houses and gardens were to be provided, both for the bishops and clergy, by the departments in which they were situated, and by them too ruinous churches were to be repaired. It was also provided, that no writing whatever from the court of Rome should be published or carried into execution in France, without authority from its government; that no agent of the Roman see, without the same authority, should enter upon any business relating to the Gallican church, either in the French territory, or elsewhere; that no decrees of foreign convocations, even if they should be general councils, should be published in France, until its government should have ascertained whether they were agreeable to its institutions, and unlikely to disturb the public tranquillity; that no ecclesiastical deliberative assembly of any kind should be holden in France without express permission from the government; and that an appeal should lie to the council of state in every case of alleged abuse or misgovernment in the superior ecclesiastical authorities. Although these restrictions really rendered France as independent of Rome as any protestant state ever was, with respect to its subjects of 1 Alison, iv. 671. VOL. IV. 2 Collins, 215. |