protection to unguarded youth and ignorance against the fascination of theatrical rites, and a rational provision against the effects of that popular disgust which might occasionally rise on the needless exhibition of them. Of Jesuits, and all other monastic societies of men, the act contemplates the gradual abolition within the United Kingdom'. For the accomplishment of this object in an inoffensive manner, all such monastics then resident in the realm were to register themselves within six months', and all such of alien birth, coming into the realm afterwards, were made liable to banishment for life. Any such persons, however, born subjects of the British crown, and then abroad, might return and be registered3. Any other such person might be licensed by the secretary of state, being a protestant, to come into the kingdom, and remain there for a space not exceeding six calendar months. All future admissions into such orders within the United Kingdom were to be misdemeanors in the admitting parties, punishable by fine and imprisonment: the parties admitted were made liable to banishment. These provisions against monastic orders are obviously just and reasonable. From such combinations, moving at the will of a small knot of alien superiors, have come a large portion both of the grosser superstitions, and of the anti-social proceedings of popery. Any state is, therefore, as fully justified in refusing toleration to them, as it is to any combination of artisans, or of political agitators. In withholding such toleration, no right of conscience is invaded, unless there is an interference also with some religious principle or usage. It is, however, notorious, that every integral peculiarity of the Romish creed can have free course without administration from any others than secular clergymen, that is, from a body of ecclesiastics analogous to protestant ministers of religion. If Romanism cannot be extended, or even main 8 Religious or monastic societies of women are expressly exempted by clause 37. 9" And whereas Jesuits, and members of other religious orders, communities, or societies of the church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious vows, are resident within the United Kingdom, and it is expedient to make provision for the gradual suppression and final prohibition of the same therein." Clause 28. The penalty for omitting to register within this time is fifty pounds for every calendar month during which the party shall remain unregistered. 2 Clause 29. 3 Clause 30. 4 Clause 31. 5 Clauses 33, 34. tained, without skilfully organised combinations in aid of ordinary ministers, it has plainly no right to expect shelter from a protestant nation for such auxiliaries; blemished as they are too in character, by the most serious imputations, even from those of their own religious persuasion. Extraordinary facilities for its designs and operations cannot be reasonably expected from a people which views its principles as unsound and pernicious. § 14. Even those who anticipated no permanent pacification of Ireland, at least not until after a considerable interval, from the removal of Romish disabilities, generally thought a temporary calm likely to follow. This expectation was, however, disappointed. Irish Romanism continued its unity of action, fierce intolerance of protestantism, and menacing posture. The catholic rent, originally levied for the pursuit of emancipation, still made its demand upon the whole Romish population, and the priesthood, as before, would not allow it to call any where in vain. It was now chiefly employed as a remuneration for Mr. Daniel O'Connell, a Romish practitioner of long standing at the Irish bar, who had been at the head of the late struggle for emancipation. He now gave up the farther prosecution of his profession, and became really the paid agent of the priestly party in Ireland. He acted as leader of the members returned to parliament by its influence, and as proposer to the mass of his countrymen, of such topics as suited its views. From the state of parties in Britain, he soon acquired an immense political importance. The Tory party, now calling itself Conservative, from its anxiety to preserve existing institutions in their full integrity, was nearly balanced by the Whigs and Radicals, who ordinarily coalesced in parliamentary votes. A compact body of Irish Romanists could turn the scale in favour of either party, and it did this service to the Whigs. The price of its assistance, however, was great danger to the established church of Ireland, extensive emigration among such of her followers as could remove, general apprehension among the remainder, and severe distress to her elergy. A combination to resist the "We remember the professions to the Roman catholics was purchased with which the bill that granted power and conceded. We recollect how it payment of tithes, and the vestry cess, or church-rates, was organised over three out of the four provinces, very soon after the grant of emancipation. The miserable incumbents, afraid to leave their homes after sunset, on the long continuance of this conspiracy, were often left with hardly means of procuring the commonest necessaries of life, within their carefully secured habitations; nor did the priestly party hesitate, on various occasions, to express an intention of overturning the protestant establishment altogether. It is true, that Romish members of parliament take an oath meant to restrain them from all attempts against the church, and the English section of them has, in consequence, very rarely voted upon ecclesiastical questions. The Irish section has practised no such abstinence, was professed, and we cannot forget how it was proclaimed, that if an equal participation of privileges with protestants were granted to Roman catholics, Ireland would be tranquil and happy. It was stated that popery had grown tolerant and liberal, and that our countries would be more firmly united than ever in bonds of amity and peace. Brethren, we ask you, has the event justified these professions? What use has been made of the power conceded to Roman Catholics? Has it not been used in attempting the overthrow of the protestant religion in this country? Is it not labouring to destroy the integrity of the united empire? Have not Roman catholic bishops demanded the destruction of the protestant establishment, and of all societies for the propagation of the Gospel? Have they not denounced the clergy; some of whom are suffering the greatest privations, others are assassinated and stoned to death in the open face of day. In many parts of the country, the houses of protestant gentry and farmers are fortified to prevent the attack of the midnight murderer; arms are plundered at hours when suspicion herself is off her guard, when men are engaged in the labour of the field, or attending on the worship of their God. By the long continued practice of this open plunder, by the secret importation of arms and ammunition, and by an extensive ma nufacture of pikes and other weapons, the Roman catholic population has become, in many parts of the country, an armed band of formidable foes. The protestant scarcely dares to venture after sunset from his home; he fears to transact his business in the fair or the market; he is waylaid, insulted, beaten, robbed, or assassinated on his return. The fact precludes the necessity of either comment or detail. The miseries he endures, and the evils he apprehends, burst all the ties that bind him to his home, and force him to seek in exile, on the Transatlantic shore, the rest denied him in the land of his fathers. To such an extent have these sufferings pressed upon the protestants of Ireland, that it appears on good authority that more than sixty thousand have fled to America, since the emancipation bill has passed the British legislature. Thus, so far from an increase of tranquillity, the country presents but a melancholy picture of increased disturbance, agitation, partial insurrection, and crime, on the one hand; and on the other, of suffering, of apprehension, of voluntary exile, and despair." Appeal of the Protestants of Ireland to their brethren the Protestants of England and Wales, prepared by the committee appointed at the great Conservative Meeting, lately held at the Mansion House, Dublin. Brit. Mag. March, 1832. p. 52. and holding the balance of power, some concession to it early became inevitable. § 15. In 1833, accordingly, a bill was introduced in parliament, for the suppression of ten sees, and of the various chapters, in Ireland, as soon as the termination of existing incumbencies should render the several preferments vacant. By this measure, the country was to lose two of its archbishoprics, Cashel and Tuam, the province of Munster being intended for the eventual superintendence of the see of Dublin, Connaught for that of Armagh. These latter arrangements have actually taken effect, the archbishops both of Cashel and Tuam having died. The mass of property to be set at liberty by the suppres sion of so many sees was to find a substitute, in the first instance, for the vestry cess, an impost analogous to the English church-rate, but applicable to more purposes. Thus the land was to be relieved from a burthen under which it had been inherited, bought, and granted immemorially, at the expense of the church. Other objects, far more defensible, to be gained by the suppression of so many sees, were the improvement of small livings, the building of churches, and the supplying of suitable glebe-houses. These objects, however, were obviously of remote attainment, the first thing in view being the immediate abolition of the vestry cess, and as no see was actually vacant to meet its demands, the new board must begin operations by borrowing money, which episcopal estates, when 7 The estimated amount of income to be provided on the abolition of the vestry-cess was 60,000l. a year. The means reckoned upon as eventually available for meeting this claim, and the other objects contemplated by the bill, were 155,000l. a year. The whole amount of income receivable by the established church of Ireland appears to be under 800,000l. a year. The number of parochial benefices was reckoned at about 1250. Respecting the number of protestants, very different statements were commonly made, Romanists, undoubtedly, being desirous of estimating it as low as possible: protestants were thought to rate it somewhat too high. They made it in 1832, 1,269,288. This population, which is peaceful and thriving, resides chiefly in Ulster, a province which, being largely colonised from Scotland, comprises a large body of dissenters. It appeared, however, by official inquiries, instituted in 1834, that Irish protestants under-rated their number. This was found to be 1,516,228. Of this number 852,064 were of the esta blished church, 642,356 were presbyterians, and 21,808 were of other protestant sects. The Roman catholics were 6,427,712. Belonging to the establishment there were found 1338 churches, and 196 other places of wor ship. placed at liberty by the deaths of incumbents, would have gradually to repay. This and many other objections to the plan were pressed with great vigour and ability upon its supporters but all such efforts were vain. The measure was carried, and thus ten Irish prelacies were placed under a rapid process of abolition: an evil that may be found of considerable magnitude, when the people shall generally become sensible of their error in adhering to religious opinions incapable of a confident appeal to Scripture, and even now of some account in a country suffering from the want of resident proprietors; because it greatly diminishes a class of landlords whose residence is a matter of duty. How far the government might have been blameable in thus yielding to the duress impinged by its Irish supporters, cannot, perhaps, be accurately estimated by the present generation. There was undoubtedly a most difficult and painful choice of evils. The conspiracy against every thing protestant which raged through the south and west of Ireland was so fierce and uncompromising, that nothing short of a civil war seemed equal to its suppression, and many persons accordingly of good information, who grieved over the extinction of ten sees, doubted whether the sacrifice was not absolutely necessary to allay the furious opposition that assailed the vestry-cess. § 16. In 1835 a plan for the more advantageous disposition of English dioceses was brought forward by a board of commissioners appointed by the crown to consult upon reforms in the church. Some of the dioceses were of inconvenient extent, while others might be enlarged without any unreasonable call upon the attention of a single prelate. The most eligible mode, unquestionably, of dealing with such anomalies would have been the erection of new bishoprics in addition to all those already existing; efficiency of supervision and reference obviously depending very much upon the number of individuals. employed upon such duties. But an increase in the number of sees, with bishops admitted to parliamentary rank and privileges, would have been found impracticable from the temper of the times. To institute, however, permanently a secondary order of prelates, with civil distinctions inferior to those of the first order, would have been to endanger these |