and sufficiency of unassisted reason. France and England are now the great scenes for the fullest development of this important problem. From these two countries must flow henceforth the political education of Europe. France, with greater advantages, has, within the last few years at least, made a more rapid stride in this first of human sciences; but England has not forgotten her old renown. A nobler alliance than mere state-expediency can ever hope for, a prouder rivalry than the mere emulation of arms can ever boast of, is at length springing up between us! To confer the greatest share of human blessing on the governed by means the most general, the most simple, and the most permanent, is surely a glorious art. An Englishman should not now have to learn it; he ought to be the first to teach it to all mankind. The suppression of restrictions on personal liberty, on the liberty of the press, the amelioration of the elective code, new guarantees for the rights of publicity and opinion, a more popular municipal organization, are portions of the same system in France, of which the approaching emancipation of the Catholics is a still greater portion in Eng

land. He who looks upon such improvements, such testimonies to the enlarging wisdom of the age, with local, and ephemeral, and sectarian views, sees little of the lesson or the advantage. It is in their connexion with the entire system, as precedents to be laid up in the recollection of every free citizen, that they obtain their full value. In this view, the following sketch is presented. It is a page only of a great work. Every one may find in it some evidence of these wholesome truths, some lesson applicable to his own case. But the fundamental axiom is applicable to all. In order to be free, there is one thing necessary, and only one-strongly, deeply, and perseveringly, to will it.

The History of the Catholic Association may be divided into five very distinct epochs :-I. The period of its original formation, in 1756, or rather in 1760. II. The period of its revival, in 1790. III. The period of the re-establishment of the same body, in 1809, under the for

mer name of Committee. IV. The continuation of the same body in 1813, under the name of Board: And V., and finally, the period of its restoration, under its old designation, in 1823. * Each of these periods presents very different political phenomena; they are in curious analogy with the character of the actors, and the advancement and improvement in the spirit of the times.

*The Letter of Mr. O'Conor to Dr. Curry, 28th July, 1756:- -" I am heartily sorry your citizens of Dublin did not invite all parties into their Association;"—and again, "Some thought that an association might be formed on our side." This was afterwards changed to Committee, Board, &c.; but the body finally reverted, in 1823, to the original name of the "Association.”

HISTORICAL SKETCH

OF THE LATE

CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION, &c.

CHAP. I.

The treaty of Limerick-Government of William-Beneficent intentions towards Ireland-Consequent prosperity -Jealousy of the Protestants-Barter of the agricultural and commercial rights and advantages of the country for the privilege of oppressing the Catholics-Origin of the penal code-Reign of Anne-Increased persecutionLaws preventing Catholics from acquiring property, educating their children, and freely exercising their religion-Consequent wretchedness of the country-Reign of George I.-Increased oppression of the Catholics-Evil effect on the Protestants-Extreme misery of all classes -Reign of George II.-Farther privations-Last remaining privilege, the elective franchise, withdrawn-Charter schools instituted "for the salvation of the poor Irish" -Registry bill-Expulsion of the clergy-Desolating famine, and epidemic-New and violent persecution— Total depression of the Catholics.

THE treaty of Limerick, whatever might have been its apparent purpose, whether restricted to the garrison, or extending to the entire kingdom, seems chiefly to have been designed to as

rious enemy.

sure to the capitulating party, a sure and immediate retreat from an inexorable and victoThe nerve and muscle of the Catholic community departed with the surrender of that city. The emigration was by thousands an army of brave men quitted Ireland, and left to the new masters a nation of unprotected slaves. Catholic property had been long on the wane; successive sacrifices, successive confiscations, had clipped it down to a mere relic of what it once was; and though the transfer had been far more peremptory and violent in the North, the South was by no means unvisited by the same sweeping spirit of plunder and confiscation. The treaty of Limerick confirmed. property as it then stood, and was not less the charter of the Protestant than the Catholic. The whole value of a text depends however on the interpreter; and the Catholic in this instance was called in to listen and to obey; the Protestant held the rod and condescended to expound.*

That flagrant insult to public justice and national faith, the bill misnamed "A Bill for the confirmation of the articles of Limerick," in which some of the most important clauses relative to the settlement of Catholic property were omitted, has scarcely been paralleled even in the history of Ireland. Read the original bill, and then the Protest, particularly 1, 2, and 3, reasons. It is some consolation to find that it was signed by four bishops.