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House of the vast and fearful magnitude of, surance that they shall enjoy the blessings the public expenditure, and of the accu- of free and equal government under the mulated increase of debt and taxation; safeguard of the English constitution; and and that to the same source they ascribe that the disastrous times in which we live the decisions of the House, on various oc- demand this open avowal of the thoughts casions, in manifest opposition to the de- and wishes of the petitioners, on a measure clared sense of the country, and to its again and again brought before the House, most essential interests, as well as in direct and in the language in which they have contradiction to their own recorded opi- conveyed them, they intreat the House to nions; above all, the petitioners attribute believe they intend the House no disreto this unhappy cause the unwillingness spect, though the petitioners frankly con hitherto shewn in parliament to enquire fess they are unacquainted with words too into and correct the corruptions and abuses strong to express what they feel on a topic which prevail, too notoriously for denial, so intimately connected with their dearest in the procuring of seats in the House, and rights and most valuable interests; and which tend, by diminishing its virtue, to that in conclusion, they earnestly pray the destroy the confidence of the people in House to undertake a constitutional Rethe Commons' House of Parliament; and form before it be too late, according to that for these, as well as for many other the provisions they have presumed to powerful reasons that might be derived point out, or in such other mode, as to from existing circumstances, which the their wisdom shall seem more effectual, to petitioners forbear to mention, lest they the accomplishment of the important obshould too much mix their present feelings ject which the petitioners have in view, so with discussion on the vital principles of shall the affections of the people be conthe liberties of England, they beseech the ciliated, the House retrieve its due weight House, that the Septennial Act, which, and influence on the public mind, the in under a plea of public danger, was, in ternal peace and independence of the contempt of national right, passed by a country be secured, stability given to the House of Commons chosen only for three throne, and our liberties, our best inbeyears, be forthwith repealed; and that, in ritance, be perpetuated." addition to the land-owners, and in lieu of returns to parliament, in the name of depopulated or close or venal boroughs, the householders of Great Britain and Ireland, directly paying a certain assessment to the state, may, with the exception of the peers of the realm, have a vote in the election of members of the House, and under such regulations of the poll, as would prevent the ruinous expence of contested elections, but too often the result, as they are now conducted, a precaution, they will add, not more necessary towards the independence and integrity of parliament, than it is for the preservation of public morals; and that an efficient and constitutional Reform in the powers of election to the House, they are fully persuaded would afford a safe certain and speedy remedy for the numerous grievances under which the petitioners labour; and they are, moreover, persuaded, that it is the only efficient remedy to be found for them, because it is only by such Reform, and with the term of the representative trust considerably shortened, that the House can restore that identity of interest between the members of the House of Commons and the people at large, without which the petitioners have no rational as

Ordered to lie upon the table.

LORD STANLEY'S MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON THE Petitions against the ORDERS IN COUNCIL.] Lord Stanley on rising, expressed his regret that it had not fallen to the lot of an abler person than himself to bring the important subject on which he was about to address them before the consideration of the House. It was not his intention, however, to go at any great length into the general question of the policy of the Orders in Council, a subject so lucidly and eloquently treated on a recent occasion by his hon. and learned friend. He should limit himself therefore to that view of those Orders which were connected with the immediate motion which he was about to submit. In the year 1806, the violent measures and decrees of the enemy induced the British government to take such steps as seemed best calculated by a counter operation to inflict upon the French government those commercial injuries with which it had endeavoured to assail us. Whatever might be the policy of the Order then issued, he must deny that the Decrees against which it was directed were constructed upon any novel or unprecedented principles. Simi

[1094 lar principles had been adopted in 1739, through her means, and which it was beand 1756. They had been acted on during yond the power of the enemy to prohibit, the American as well as the late wars. before he was aided' in his views by our Never, however, had they been attended own injurious and disastrous policy, were with those consequences which unfortu- sacrificed together. But whether all the nately now so distinctly depressed the evils that were now so deeply felt, ought or trade and commerce of the country. ought not to be traced to the operation of Never had they been found to produce the Orders in Council, it was undeniable the practical result of destroying the ma- that there was at present great and genenufactures, and annihilating the trading ral distress, and as a member of parliament, prosperity of the empire.-So far from and more particularly as the representatheir having been followed by any such tive of part of one of the counties affected effects, it was well known that until the in a peculiar manner by that distress, he present period, those manufactures conti- had deemed it his duty to call the attennued to flourish more and more, and that tion of the House to the Petitions now lyprosperity progressively to increase. The ing on the table. The distresses that at measures therefore of 1739 and 1756 had present existed no one could deny, whatbeen completely impotent in their effect ever difference of opinion there might be on British commerce; and in his opinion with respect to the cause. In the Petithere had been no reason to expect that tions with which their table was crowded, the Decree of 1806 would have had a mere various remedies were suggested. It was extensive operation upon it. Had Buona- thought, by some, that relief could be departé any greater power than his prede- rived from the reduction or abolition of cessors in the government of France to sinecure places, and the lessening of salaenforce his hostile schemes against our ries, which were disproportioned to the commerce? Were his fleets so large, or services performed; but whatever might his command over the ocean so entire as be his opinion upon the expediency of to enable him to do what the former rulers such a measure, he thought it would go a of his territories had never succeeded in very short way towards the effectual reaccomplishing? But admitting his object lief of the country. Another suggestion to be the complete exclusion of commo- was, the non-renewal of the Charter of the dities of British growth or manufacture, East India Company, and the extension of from all the ports of his dominion, what the trade of that country and China to the was this but acting on a policy which had merchants of the United Kingdom; but been exercised by other continental even that measure, great an effect as it powers as well as by the British govern- appeared calculated to produce, could not ment at various periods? What was it in take place for two years; and the distress short but adopting a principle of policy, of the country was such as could not wait and enforcing it with more than ordinary the effect of an operation so distant.—He, vigour, which every state had an inherent therefore, was willing to hope, that someright to adopt, as a principle of mere mu- thing might be devised more likely to be nicipal regulation? It remained for others efficacious. One of the Petitions comto shew how any such regulations could plained of the insensibility which the peaffect the trade between neutral states and titioners declared a right hon. gentleman the belligerent, against whose interests (Mr. Rose) had shewn to their sufferings. they were directed. They had not Whatever might have passed on the oc operated in the present instance to raise casion alluded to, he was ready to acquit the rate of insurance, and the remittances the right hon. gentleman and the govern from Europe rose subsequent to their pro- ment of any decided insensibility to the mulgation. What was the case after the distresses of the country; but while he system, the childish and impotent system abstained from attributing any improper of retaliation was adopted on our part? motive to the right hon. gentleman, (which The face of things was at once changed. he was sure was far from his mind): he -The remittances fell in a short time in thought, at the same time, that, standing the ratio of 100 to 30; America, almost as he did, in the capacity of a confidential the only neutral nation, was disgusted; adviser of the crown, he should have been her ports were shut against us, all inter- a little more cautious in the language he course ceased, and not only the trade made use of; and he should have recolwhich we carried on directly with her,lected, that though what he said might but that which we maintained circuitously seem to contain nothing extraordinary in

its import, yet, its levity, on minds agi- toes could until lately be purchased for tated by the feelings of distress, was cal- seven shillings; they were now advanced culated to produce the worst effects. The to seventeen shillings. The same quanPetitions on the table were unanimous in tity of oatmeal could until lately be purstating the distress of the country, and chased for forty two shillings; it was now most of them ascribed that distress to the advanced to sixty-seven shillings. The operation of the Orders in Council, of average wages of a manufacturer were which the petitioners appeared to be from nine to eleven shillings a week; and likely to form an accurate judgment. how, out of that sum, an individual could As a reply to those allegations, he support and clothe himself and family and presumed that the late Declaration had pay his house rent, he was at a loss to been issued by the government of this conceive. In other parts they were rather country, which proceeded on the state- higher, but they were obtained only by ment of the French minister to the working over hours and beyond the usual Conservative Senate. This Declaration habits. He then referred to some letters contained, in effect, most decidedly the from different parts of the country, conprecise purport and meaning of the ex-firming these statements. A magistrate of pressions attributed to the right hon. gentleman; it stated in effect, though not in terms, that Great Britain and France were in the situation of two persons whose heads were immersed in a bucket, to try which could bear suffocation the longer. This document declared, that the government of Great Britain were determined to persevere, on the punctilio of priority in the Orders in Council; and that however great the distress of the people might be, there was no hope of relief, support, or redress, from their own government. But, in a more statesmanlike point of view, who were to be the judges of the continuance of the system? Was the option to be taken out of the hands of this government, and transferred to those of Buonaparté, whose strongest interest it was that we should continue a system so conducive to his advantage? What was this but surrendering our own free will, pledging ourselves to a particular policy, and resolving to make our own future measures, under any circumstances, dependent on those of the enemy? He could see no ground on which such a determination was to be defended. He had felt it his duty to enquire minutely into the extent and magnitude of those distresses, under which the manufacturing classes of the community were now labouring, and from every quarter he had received accounts, varying as to the particular degree in which they were felt in different places, but all agreeing as to their universal existence. From all parts there were statements of the want of employment, scantiness of food, and high price of provisions. The food of the manufacturers in that part of the kingdom which he had the honour to represent, was chiefly potatoes and oatmeal: two hundred and forty pounds weight of pota

one district, whose letter he held in his hand, declared it was impossible in his neighbourhood, that a weaver, with a wife, and two or three children, even though they were in good health, could earn a subsistence, not so much from a depression of wages, which were rather higher than at the same time last year, but from the great increase in the price of provisions. Another letter from Liverpool, stated that the number of vessels in the docks was only 62, the number of carts employed 66, while 127 were idle, the number of ships in the graving docks 11, though they were capable of holding 27, and in the year 1810 were quite full, besides many waiting to go in, and many on the banks-not one-third of the sail-makers were employed, and but 24 block-makers, with a variety of other particulars, all showing the depression of commerce. The Petitions before the House, and the statements made by several gentlemen in the House, proved that the distress was not merely confined to the commercial and manufacturing towns, but extended to Leicester, Nottingham, Stafford, Birmingham, Kidderminster, Liverpool, &c. &c. and almost through the whole extent of that line of country. Under those circumstances, his lordship thought that there was but one course which presented itself, namely, a committee to consider the Petitions which had been laid on the table. That appeared to be the only means to have a full, fair, and open view of the subject, and to obtain explicit information upon it. If the House should think it right to recommend to the government and to the Prince Regent, the repeal of the Orders in Council, which had been productive of so much distress, he would feel proud of having been, in any way, the