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negociation was accordingly set on foot, in order to carry this desirable object into effect. That negociation had unfortunately failed, and the wishes of the Prince Regent, and the expectations of the coun

beral basis: (and here he must, once for | all, observe, that in speaking of the share which his Royal Highness had in the transaction he considered him as acting by the advice of responsible persons.) A

had the goodness to communicate to us the Letter of his royal highness the Prince Regent, on the subject of the arrangements to be now made for the future administration of the public affairs; and we take the liberty of availing ourselves of your gracious permission, to address to your Royal Highness in this form what has occurred to us in consequence of that communication.

The Prince Regent, after expressing to your Royal Highness in that letter his sentiments on various public matters, has, in the concluding paragraph, condescended to intimate his wish that "some of those "persons with whom the early habits of "his public life were formed, would "strengthen his Royal Highness's hands, "and constitute a part of his govern "ment;" and his Royal Highness is pleased to add, "that with such support, "aided by a vigorous and united adminis"tration, formed on the most liberal basis, "he would look with additional confi"dence to a prosperous issue of the most " arduous contest in which Great Britain "has ever been engaged."

On the other parts of his Royal Highness's letter we do not presume to offer any observations; but on the concluding paragraph, in so far as we may venture to suppose ourselves included in the gracious wish which it expresses, we owe it, in obedience and duty to his Royal Highness, to explain ourselves with frankness and sincerity.

We beg leave most earnestly to assure his Royal Highness, that no sacrifices, except those of honour and duty, could appear to us too great to be made, for the purpose of healing the divisions of our country, and uniting both its government and its people. All personal exclusion we entirely disclaim: we rest on public measures; and it is on this ground alone that we must express, without reserve, the impossibility of our uniting with the present government. Our differences of opinion are too many and too important to admit of such an union. His Royal Highness will, we are confident, do us the justice to remember, that we have twice already acted on this impression; in 1809, on the proposition then made to us under

his Majesty's authority; and last year, when his Royal Highness was pleased to require our advice respecting the forma tion of a new government. The reasons which we then humbly submitted to him are strengthened by the encreasing dangers of the times; nor has there, down to this moment, appeared even any approxi mation towards such an agreement of opinion on the public interests, as can alone form a basis for the honourable union of parties previously opposed to each other.

Into the detail of these differences we are unwilling to enter; they embrace almost all the leading features of the present policy of the empire; but his Royal Highness has, himself, been pleased to advert to the late deliberations of parliament on the affairs of Ireland. This is a subject, above all others, important in itself, and connected with the most pressing dangers. Far from concurring in the sentiments which his Majesty's ministers have, on that occasion, so recently expressed, we entertain opinions directly opposite: we are firmly persuaded of the necessity of a total change in the present system of government in that country, and of the immediate repeal of those civil disabilities under which so large a portion of his Majesty's subjects still labour on account of their religious opinions. To recommend to parliament this repeal, is the first advice which it would be our duty to offer to his Royal Highness; nor could we, even for the shortest time, make ourselves responsible for any farther delay in the proposal of a measure, without which we could entertain no hope of rendering ourselves useful to his Royal Highness, or to our country.

We have only therefore further to beg your Royal Highness to lay before his royal highness the Prince Regent, the expression of our humble duty, and the sincere and respectful assurance of our earnest wishes for whatever may best promote the ease, honour, and advantage of his Royal Highness's government, and the success of his endeavours for the public welfare. We have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) GREY. GRENVILLE.

To his royal highness the Duke of York.

try had been disappointed. It was from deterioration which had taken place in our the period of the failure of this negocia- domestic circumstances? Were their lordtion that he dated the commencement of ships aware of the state of the diurnal press those alarming symptoms to which he had of London, and, he might add of the proadverted, and the glaring deterioration in vincial press?-Did they not know that our domestic situation which threatened it was formed into two distinct and oppothe integrity of the empire. What were site parties? and were not their lordships those portentous features of the present doomed every day, as had on a former time which foreboded so much calamity? occasion been remarked by a noble earl "I wish to God, Maynooth college had near him, (Grosvenor,) to read on the one never existed!" had been, in another side, of an overweening, overbearing, place, the expressions of a confidential proud, ambitious aristocracy, that strove servant of the crown. What was this but to domineer over the throne itself; and, evincing a decided hostility to the reli- on the other, the most virulent and scurgion and political rights of a great portion rilous attacks, even upon the Prince Reof the population of these dominions? gent in person? Were they aware of the What was it but the proof of a malus effect which these things must have upon animus with regard to them, swaying the the country at large; and could they be councils of the crown? The natural ten- indifferent to the effect, under the present dency of such an imprudent and impolitic circumstances of the nation and the world, declaration must be, to produce a spirit of such a mischievous application of that of irritation and hostility, which would great engine of public opinion, the press? sooner or later shew itself in the most These were not all the symptoms that alarming colours. A right hon. gentleman, seemed to characterise the eventful period a member of the other House of Parlia- to which he had referred. The Prince ment, (whose moderation in all matters con- Regent himself, (speaking of his Royal nected with religion, whose talents and Highness in the sense which he had bewhose integrity did honour to his country fore stated, as acting at the suggestion of and to the empire) had received a petition responsible advisers), even the Prince from the Roman Catholics of Ireland to be himself was not exempt from his share in presented to the House of Commons, and these alarming transactions. They had had given notice of a motion for its being heard, for instance, of the highest honours, taken into consideration on the 14th of of the most distinguished situations, being next month. The votes on the table in-offered to various individuals, and refused formed them that a call of the House was to take place on the 13th of April,-a call not proposed by the right hon. gentleman who was to move the consideration of the petition, but by that minister of the crown, who was understood to be the bar to all conciliation. What must be the effect of this apparently deep-rooted hostility to their cause on the minds of the Catholicsciples which alone could ensure conciliaWhat must be the consequence of such a system, if continued? It was not among the least alarming of these fearful symptoms, that some of the clergy, as he understood, taking the hint perhaps from those in authority, had, in a manner very inconsistent indeed with the principles of their religion, made themselves the instruments of discord and disunion, and perverted even the pulpit itself to the worst purposes of bigotry and faction. Already had there appeared a disposition, fomented, probably by the tone of the government, to raise that execrable cry, which, to the disgrace of the country, had more than once marked the epoch of the present generation. But were these the only symptoms that evinced the

upon the ground, that acceptance would be contrary to the honour of those persons, who found it impossible for them to do any thing to assist, or give countenance to the system upon which the government was conducted. It was rumoured, that all the bent, aim, and force of the government, was inflexible hostility to the liberal prin

tion and union. This, however, was only rumour; but what was certainly true was, that on the 13th of February, the Prince Regent, in a manner that did honour to the high situation which he held, and with a sincerity and good faith well becoming his character, expressed his wishes, that at the present critical moment no measure should be adopted which could excite the smallest suspicion that he intended to abandon his allies, or cease to give them the same liberal assistance as formerly. Yet, subsequent to this declaration, it was well known, that his Royal Highness had been obliged to accept the resignation of a noble marquis, who had in some measure identified himself with the cause of our

allies. He hoped the noble marquis, whom | he saw in his place, would in the course of this debate explain the reasons which had induced him to resign, at a moment when his services, with a view to the war in the peninsula, were so very essential. But he could not repeat, too often, that, subsequent to the wish expressed by his Royal Highness, with regard to the cause of our allies, his Royal Highness had received the resignation of the noble marquis, who for two years and a half had conducted the whole diplomatic correspondence with the peninsula ; and, before that period, had acted as the minister of this country in Spain with so much honour to himself, and so much advantage to the nation. No correspondence that had ever been laid on their lordships' table, had ever excited more general applause. The noble marquis, too, was no less a person than the brother of lord Wellington himself; and yet, in the present critical state of the war, he had thought it his duty to resign, though the Prince had before expressed his wish to give every support to our allies. Such was the general view of the situation of the country, since the expiration of the restrictions upon the Regent. Our domestic policy of exclusion appeared to have assumed a more decided shape, and the brightening prospects which appeared to be opening to us, had given way to a deeper gloom. He had adverted to the difficulties under which the nation had to struggle, and the very inadequate composition of the present government to meet these difficulties; and from all this it followed, as a necessary consequence, that some change in the frame of that government should, if possible, be effected. Now he would ask, whether such a change was really hope less? And here he must advert to a printed letter bearing the signature of a noble earl near him (lord Grey), and of a noble baron (lord Grenville), whose absence their lordships must deeply regret, both from sympathy with the noble family which had lately experienced the domestic calamity that occasioned that absence, as also on account of the delicacy of the situation in which the noble lord was placed. He, however, would endeavour to avoid every thing that could possibly appear to be inconsistent with a due regard to the circumstances in which the noble lord at present unfortunately stood; and he had no doubt his noble friends who were to follow him, would adopt the same

precaution. If the construction which he put upon that letter, and which it was certainly capable of bearing, was the correct one; he flattered himself that hopes might still be indulged of fulfilling the wishes of his Royal Highness, and forming an administration adequate to the difficulties of the times. Whether his construction was the true one, the noble earl near him (Grey) would inform their lordships. But it might possibly be said, that he was not authorised to refer to these documents, as they did not come in an official shape before the House; and the unusual asperity of tone and manner of the noble Secretary of State on a former occasion, when he put a question to him relative to one of these letters, was such as to justify some apprehension that such an objection might be made. Yet, he maintained that any paper of public notoriety, and especially one bearing the signature of the Prince Regent, was a document for their lordships to proceed upon. He did not think, that out of the whole kingdom the House of Lords ought to be the only room in which such a document could not be made the subject of discussion. It was, however, sufficient for his purpose, that on the 13th of February a wish had been expressed by his Royal Highness to form an Administration on a broad and liberal basis. That wish had unfortunately not been gratified. But the wish which existed then, no doubt still continued; and the object of his motion was, if possible, to give effect to the declared desire of his Royal Highness: provided nothing occurred in the debate which should change his opinion as to the construction to be put on the answer to the Prince's letter, he should still cherish a strong hope of being able to secure the accomplishment of so desirable an object. He would now draw the attention of the House to those parts of the noble lords' letter, which had been particularly dwelt upon, and which he believed, had been misapprehended. The noble lords, having assigned the reasons of their refusal, say "It is on this ground alone that we must express, without reserve, the impossibility of our uniting with the present government.' Now, he would ask, what had been understood by this expression of the noble lords? Why, that they insisted on forming the government themselves-that they would hear of no persons, but of their own selection, and of their own principles

and that they would not sit in the ca

binet with those who were the confidential advisers of the Prince Regent. This was the interpretation which had been given of that part of their answer. Yet, without meaning to state what the feeling of the noble lords really was on this subject, it appeared to him, that in saying they would not consent to unite with the present government-that they could not assist an administration, whose proceedings they disapproved-it did not follow that they would not act with them, provided, of course, they were not placed in such situations as would prevent them from carrying into effect those measures which they thought most conducive to the general interest. In the next paragraph the noble lords observe, "Into the detail of those differences we are unwilling to enter; they embrace almost all the leading features of the present policy of the empire." The principles of policy here alluded to, were, the conduct to be pursued with regard to America,-the Bullion question, the war in the peninsula, -and the treatment of the Catholics. Could it be fairly supposed, that it was the intention of the noble lords, if they should come into office, to concede the whole matter in controversy with America? Could it be fairly supposed that they were prepared to sacrifice the maritime rights of the country, and lay our naval grandeur and independence at the foot of America? It might be so, but he would not believe it, till he heard it from themselves; he would not believe any British statesman capable of such a thought; nor could he allow himself for a moment to attribute such intentions to the noble lords. The next question was, that of the bullion. What was the nature of the difference here? It might be said, that the noble lords would immediately open the Bank, and compel cash payments. It was no doubt probable, that they would make the situation of the currency a matter of serious consideration, and that they would act upon the system of restoring the cash payments to the country, when a favourable opportunity occurred for doing so. But was it to be said, that they would force such a measure forward before its time, that they would urge it without preparation, without regard to circumstances, without any precaution that might render it regular and secure? As to the peninsula, the noble lords were boldly charged with a resolution to withdraw our assistance from the Spanish cause. They

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might certainly disapprove of the circumstances of the war; but it was not to be conceived, that they would abandon it without due examination. Of course, their conduct in this point would be strongly influenced by the larger information on the circumstances, objects, and means of the contest, which office might give them, and to which they could not now have access. It was not to be supposed that they would proceed in this direction, without communicating with the distinguished person who was now at the head of the British force in the peninsula, -a man who deserved every attention and every praise,-who was at once the great general and the great statesman,-whose physical courage was equalled only by the moral fortitude which he manifested in opposing those who, not being perfectly acquainted with the situation of the peninsula, were desirous of withdrawing from the contest there. It was presumed, that, on their admission into the Prince's cabinet, the British forces would be recalled: but was this a just presumption? He had never heard it from the noble lords. It might be their determination; but, until he had it from their own lips, he could not believe it. The last point was the state of Ireland, With respect to the disallowance of the claims of a large portion of his majesty's subjects,-on this some difficulty arose. It was less easy to define the limit of the objects which the noble lords might have in contemplation. The difference between them and administration was more wide than on the other points. The noble lords observed in their letter," We are firmly persuaded of the necessity of a total change in the present system of that country, and of the immediate repeal of those civil disabilities under which so large a portion of his Majesty's subjects still labour, on account of their religious opinions. To recommend to parliament this repeal, is the first advice which it would be our duty to offer to his Royal Highness." In this part, more than any other, the general interpretation seemed to be warranted by the construction of the words. The view he entertained of this subject was certainly different. His idea of the most suitable proceeding in bringing about this great measure of redemption, was, that the proposal of consideration should come from administration,— that the House should then sanction a re solution for taking the question into consideration at a future time,-and, finally,

hoped they would suffer it to go to the Prince Regent, and let his consideration do the rest. He trusted that there was now no man who would call the administration, as it stood on the 13th of February, an administration upon a sufficient basis. After the proposition which had been made at that period, he believed that there was not a single person who would stand up in his place and maintain that it was then a sufficient administration: and if not sufficient then, what was it now, when the great talents and great weight of the noble marquis (Wellesley) had been withdrawn from the government? The only topic on which he could anticipate objection was, that as his motion touched upon ministers, it was to be considered as an opposition motion. For the honour of truth, and in the name of the best interests of the country, he deprecated this consideration. It was not an opposition motion. It had arisen with himself, and without any communication to the noble lords who had been alluded to. It bore no hostility to administration, for many of whose members he felt the most perfect respect, and he denied their right to impute party or factious motives to him. Did they mean to impute them to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, when on the 13th of February he expressed a wish for an administration differently constituted? If they did, how could they, as men of honour, retain their situations? And if they did not, what right had they to attribute such motives to him, for expressing the same desire now, which his royal highness had formerly done? What had happened, since the 13th of February, to cause a change of opinion? What had been gained, and what had been lost? Was there any thing in that loss or in that gain, which rendered unnecessary now the alteration proposed at that time? The motion was founded on the deep sense he entertained of the alarming evils which threatened the safety of the nation-which were every day more and more developing themselves-and the imperative necessity of obtaining an efficient administration capable of averting them. He framed the motion, neither for nor against any set of men, party, or faction, whatever; he made it for the sake of the country at large, and, in their name, he entreated for it a favourable reception. His lordship then moved➡

that every thing relating to the manage- | ment and detail of the question, should be left to the executive government, by whom a specific plan should be laid before the legislature. By this means, all the grace of originating the measure would attach to the crown, to which, in truth, it ought to belong. It would pledge parliament to nothing but the mere consideration of the question, and leave the arrangement and detail where it should be left, with the executive government; and, whatever was proposed by them, parliament, in the course of the next session, might reject or adopt. But still in the letter of the noble lords there certainly was nothing to give the idea, that they would at once recommend the total abolition of Catholic restraints, without delay, or regularity, or consideration. He would not deny, that the words might bear such an interpretation: but from their former declarations, -from every former means of expressing their sentiments, it might be not unjustly conceived, that they would proceed in this momentous affair, with all the necessary prudence; that they would suffer a certain period to elapse before the granting of full remission; and that they would grant nothing without providing for the security of the existing establishments. This was the fair construction of the policy which they were likely to adopt; and if this construction were justified by what their lordships might hear in the course of the debate, was it not to be desired that every strength that the country was capable of affording, should be applied to the purposes of conducting it through the difficulties of its present situation? Was it not most desirable, that this country, and what remained of independent Europe, should be gratified by seeing an administration combined of all the wisdom, experience, and authority that was to be found among us, formed to preserve domestic tranquillity, and to command the respect of foreign powers? He might be thought a great ignoramus in politics, to expect that no opposition would be offered to a motion which did not proceed from administration. He deprecated being overpowered by the eloquence of noble lords on the side of ministers: his motion was certainly not one which proceeded from them; but it was consistent with the principles of the constitution, and conformable to its practice in the best periods of our history, and therefore, unusual as the hope was in modern times, he (VOL. XXII.)

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, (E)

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