freely. Let any man of pure and unso-turely deliberating upon a subject so phisticated principles try what chance he stood in opposition to the person answering one of those invitations, and he would soon find out whether virtue or money was the more powerful in this country, or which would best insure a return to that House. The right hon. gentleman was well informed of the nature of the evil. It would therefore be easy for him to allow the resolutions to pass, and then to offer any corrections which his experience might suggest.

Mr. Secretary Peel observed, that the House was called upon to affirm or to reject resolutions, which went to create a new offence and a new mode of trial. The end might be a very proper one; but it would, he conceived, be infinitely better that this new jurisdiction should be sanctioned by a bill, rather than by a resolution of the House of Commons. Such a mode of proceeding would admit of consideration and discussion in the different stages, whereby errors might be corrected and improvements introduced. But the House was called upon by the noble lord to adopt at once resolutions on a subject of infinite importance. Did not the noble lord think it a serious matter, that a committee of the House should be empowered to administer an oath? Was it not a serious matter that a common informer might keep in his pocket, for seventeen months and twenty-eight days, a petition affecting the interest of individuals and of corporate bodies; that, at the end of seventeen months he might, if he pleased, prefer his charge against a corporation, or an individual to the House, without expense to himself, and without one word being inserted in the resolutions as to a penalty in case of vexatious or malicious charges? He was surprised to hear the hon. member, who spoke last, assert, that there had been more gross bribery during the last election than at any former period; and this in the face of the resolutions. The fact proved, then, the insufficiency of the resolutions; although the hon. member considered it as a sufficient reason for adopting them. He was not contending against the principle of the noble lord. He repeated what he had stated last session, that this measure should be introduced by bill, and that the nature and the extent of this new jurisdiction should be carefully determined. The House should have the opportunity of ma

seriously affecting the privileges of parliament. He would not deny that it might be right that the law should be altered to meet cases of corruption, when it had been evaded by the lapse of time; but then it should be done by bill. The period likewise might be six weeks, or even a fortnight; but not eighteen months. He merely threw out these observations to show that he was not hostile to the principle of the resolutions; but he protested against a party being permitted to petition, without giving security that he should be indemnified, and that he need only allege general bribery. He protested against the House being called upon to night, to say by what jurisdiction the object should be attained. He protested against such precipitate and premature legislation. He must, therefore, oppose, not the principle, but the expediency of the resolutions.

Mr. Scarlett doubted whether the resolutions of the noble lord would meet all the objects he had in view, and felt that there was some weight in the arguments urged on the other side of the House; though the right hon. gentleman who spoke last had taken rather a partial view of the question. It had been urged by an hon. member, that the existing laws were sufficient for punishing bribery, provided they were properly executed. The resolutions of the House enabled them to do it, if they were exerted. The right hon. gentleman had dwelt upon the long period during which a common informer might keep a petition in his pocket; but it was in the discretion of the House, if such a case occurred, to deal with it in a proper manner, and reject the petition altogether. Another argument of the right hon. gentleman was just, and showed the infirmity of the resolutions; namely, that the party petitioning incurred no peril. He thought that this was a serious defect, and that it could not be remedied by a resolution of the House. This House could not inflict a penalty: it could not even inflict costs upon the party. This power did not belong to a separate branch of the legislature. Moreover, if the defect were attempted to be supplied by a bill, was the House sure that the other House would pass it? This House might adopt it; but this House depended in some measure, for the pure exercise of its functions, upon the other House, and might propose for that object

what that House would not adopt. He lords, his humble opinion was, that the could not, therefore, approve of the reso- real, effective, and complete removal of lutions, whilst no penalty attached to a the obstructions which impeded the free person presenting à malicious petition; exercise of the elective franchise, could and this House could not provide a only be effected by the interference of penalty, or even require a recognizance, a wise and liberal administration; and he though such an object might be accom- hoped to see the day when, instead of plished. The power of the House, how- objections being brought forward, as on ever, depended upon its freedom from re- the present occasion, to such measures, proach; and it was their interest that his Majesty's ministers would take into mankind should know that the House their consideration the inconveniencies would proceed by some certain method to that obstructed the exercise of the elective reach corrupt practices. At present, after franchise, and give to such a measure the the lapse of fourteen days, there was no weight that an administration alone could method of touching a case of bribery and give. Whilst employed on measures giv corruption. If a law was introduced to ing freedom to conscience and to comregulate this subject, even to meet a par- merce, it was not beneath them to give ticular case, such as the disfranchisement freedom to the constitution. There was of a borough for bribery, he was afraid, no man he would look to with more confrom past experience, that there might be fidence, with this view, than the right a difficulty in obtaining the concurrence hon. Secretary who had so distinguished of the other House. He did not mean to himself by his attention to the ameliorasay that the House would not punish cases tion of the criminal law. The country of gross corruption; but he referred to expected it from him. He hoped that, in general cases. He must state, that he his judicious hands, the constitution might did not feel quite satisfied with the noble be restored to its original purity, and be lord's resolutions; but his chief object in freed from all impediments. He hoped rising was to recommend, that some cer- that the other right hon. gentleman, who tain rules should be laid down upon this had adverted to the legislative measures of important subject. He felt that there the Grenvilles on this subject, would not was some force in the objections urged forget that the chief praise of the family against the resolutions; but if his noble to which he belonged was their efforts to friend would withdraw them, they might preserve the freedom of election. be modified so as to meet with general hoped that the present government would concurrence. But if his noble friend per-imitate their example, and do all in their sisted in pressing them, he would feel power to secure to the country an unob some difficulty in opposing them; not be- structed freedom and purity of election. cause he entirely approved of them, but because he considered them as a step towards a very desirable object.

He

Lord Althorp said, that if the present resolutions were to be embodied in a bill, there was not the slightest chance of its Mr. Pallmer, member for Surrey, said, passing the other House. The only hope that the importance of the question and a of adopting the present rules was by a sense of duty impelled him to offer a few resolution of the House. The most maobservations to the House. He was the terial objection which had been urged more induced to do so, because, with against the resolutions, was founded upon reference to the subject involved in the the power which it gave of presenting resolutions; namely, the purity of election, petitions without expense. This was the hon. gentlemen must be, so soon after the unavoidable consequence of founding the general election, strongly impressed with measure upon resolutions, and not upon a the necessity of some measure, to enforce bill. But he did not think, that, practhe principle contained in them. His tically, any such effects would result as gratitude, as an independent member of were suggested, and if they did occur, it parliament, was due to the noble lord who would be easy to find a remedy for such brought forward the propositions, as well a practical evil. However, as it seemed as to the noble lord with whom they ori-to be the general wish of the House that ginated, because he was proud to see the the resolutions, in their present state, aristocracy of the country advocating the should be withdrawn, he would, with the rights and privileges of the people. But, consent of the House, withdraw them. much as he felt indebted to those noble

The motion was then withdrawn.

DR. SOUTHEY'S RETURN FOR DOWN-] TON.] The Speaker acquainted the House, that he had received a letter from a member of the House, which, if it were the pleasure of the House, he would read. It was as follows:

"Keswick, 15th November, 1826. "Sir;-Having, while I was on the continent, been, without my knowledge, elected a burgess to serve in the present parliament for the borough of Downton, it has become my duty to take the earliest opportunity of requesting you to inform the honourable House, that I am not qualified to take a seat therein, inasmuch as I am not possessed of such an estate is required by the act passed in the 9th year of queen Anne. I am, Sir, with all due respect, &c. ROBERT SOUTHEY."

They could with difficulty pay the very reduced rents. Capital employed in agriculture was never known to bring so low a return as at present. The situation of the agricultural labourer was also one of great distress. They were never worse paid than at present. Instead of finding full employment at a good price as heretofore, they were obliged to entreat for it at a greatly reduced rate. The numbers, for whom no employment could be found, were daily increasing. The poor rates, as a necessary consequence, were increasing; and he feared that, unless some remedy was devised, they would, in a short time, be in a worse situation than the manufacturing poor. He did not complain that the present price of grain was inadequate; but then the value of that price to the farmer must depend on ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT the burthens to which he was subject. THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.] The He was prepared to contend that, comAddress on the King's Speech was re-pared with those burthens, the prices were ported to the House. On its being read much lower now than for a period of a second time, several years previous to the beginning of Mr. Western rose for the purpose of the late war. If he compared the present submitting an amendment, by way of price of corn with that which it bore beaddition to the Address. This he felt to fore 1792, he found that the quarter of be necessary, not that he was hostile to wheat was then within 3s. or 4s. of what any part of the Address, but that he was it sold for at present; and yet there were desirous to fill up an omission on a ques- then only 17,000,000l. of taxes annually tion most important to the country. The taken from the people, while at this moAddress adverted to the distressed situation ment there were nearly 60,000,000l. Did of the manufacturing districts, but it any doubt that the difference pressed omitted to state, in any particular man-heavily on the agriculturist of this day? ner, the condition of the agriculturists, He was prepared to contend, that the who, he would say, though not as de- price of corn was not the cause of the pressed as the manufacturers, were still distress suffered by the manufacturers. labouring under severe pressure, arising It arose from other causes to which he from the burthens to which they were would not then particularly advert. He subject. It became the more necessary had stated them before, and should have to advert to the situation of the agricul- another opportunity of submitting them turists, because the omission of that sub- to the House; but he wished the manuject from the royal Speech went to con- facturers to recollect, that twelve months firm an opinion too prevalent in the coun- ago, when they were in a state of admitted try, that the agriculturists were in pros- prosperity, the price of corn was 10s. a perity, and that they were flourishing at quarter more than it was at present. It the expense of the manufacturers. This was too much, under these circumstances, opinion he knew prevailed among the ma- to endeavour to persuade the country, nufacturing classes, and it had even been that the price of corn had any thing to do stated in that House by an hon. alder- with the cause of the distress. He felt it man. It was necessary that such an his duty, under these circumstances, to opinion should not go forth as sanctioned submit an amendment to the Address, asby that House, and therefore he felt suring his Majesty, that while the House bound, publicly, to deny its justice. The regretted the present distressed state of farmers, he could state, were in distress, the country, it would take immediate and their condition generally declining. steps to inquire into its cause. This he They were scarcely able to struggle against felt to be the first duty of the new parlia the burthens by which they were oppressed, [ment; namely, to trace the extraordinary

causes which had contributed to produce
such an extraordinary change in the state
of society, as they had witnessed within
the last ten years.
It was well known
that, during the war, this country was in
a state of commercial, manufacturing, and
agricultural, prosperity, which had pro-
gressively improved. Was it not the
duty of members to inquire what had
interrupted this prosperity, and what had
brought the country to a state of calamity
greater than any produced by any for-
mer war in which we had been engaged?
He would not now state what the causes
of it were, but would content himself with
moving the following amendment, by way
of addition to the Address:

"Your Majesty's faithful Commons feel it their duty to represent to your Majesty, and at the same time to express their deep regret, that the agricultural classes, though not suffering in the degree they did a few years ago, particularly in the year 1822, are yet in a state of severe pressure of distress, from the heavy burthens to which they are exposed. They will endeavour to trace the causes which have led to the dreadful alternations of prosperity and adversity which all the industrious classes have experienced since the termination of the war in the year 1815, and they trust they shall discover the means of restoring the agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, of the country to the same condition of progressive improvement, in which they were steadily advancing antecedent to that period."

corn to the manufacturers; for, as soon as foreign corn had driven some of our lands out of cultivation, the price would be higher than ever. But even supposing the price reduced, it should be considered that wages would be reduced in the same proportion; and he maintained that wages proportioned to a high price of corn would be much more beneficial to the artisan than those proportioned to a low price. Another delusion on the public was the assertion, that 8s. added to the price of corn by non-importation was a clear loss to the public of 15,000,000l. He should be glad to learn, from those who maintained this opinion, where these millions went? Did they go up to the moon, whither so many lost articles were said to ascend; or did they sink into the earth, to be again dug up in congenial silver and gold? These were questions which he should wish to have answered. The hon. member went on to contend, that there was only one way of settling the question, and that was, by a reduction of taxation. If they removed the assessed taxes, which pressed on the farmer; if they removed the leather-tax; if they removed the malttax; if they removed the tax on tenants' leases; if they removed these and other burthens which pressed with peculiar severity on agriculturists, then they might hope to conciliate the landed interest, and to have their assent to a repeal of the Corn-laws; but, if ministers talked of the distressed state of the Treasury, he would remind them, that revenue removed was Mr. Leycester seconded the amend- not always revenue bost, and that increase He could not but regret that the of consumption almost always followed subject of the Corn-laws had not formed a diminution of taxation. If, however, they part of the Speech from the Throne; the persisted in adhering to the present exormore particularly on account of the bitant rate of taxation, and wished for an strange delusion which filled the public alteration of the Con-laws, he begged to mind on that subject. That it was a de- inform them, that the landed interest lusion to suppose that the distress was would not be tamely sacrificed (not for the owing to the Corn-laws would be proved benefit of the manuacturing poor, for to by the fact, that under those laws, and accomplish that they would willingly make even at higher prices than the present, every sacrifice); bu they would not be the manufacturers, masters and journey- sacrificed for the benefit of the fundholder, men, had prospered to a degree thereto- who was already well off-or for the benefore unexampled. He contended, that fit of the army and nvy, who were already the distress arose from the impolitic con- very well off-or for the benefit of placeduct of government in tampering with the men and pensioners, who were already too currency, from the great issue of small notes, well off-or for the advantage of the masand from the fact of ministers never allow- ter-manufacturers, wio were endeavouring ing the country to enjoy the benefit of a real to become noblemer and gentlemen, by sinking fund. He maintained that it was turning the nobility and gentry into beg another delusion to suppose that the re-gars; and lastly, not for the benefit of the peal of the Corn-laws would produce cheap Germans, who wer just now in high