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ships were aware that any measure on the subject must be brought forward in another place; and in the irregularity of bringing the subject immediately under their lordships' consideration, there seemed to be a general acquiescence. It was, however, in the power of any noble lord who might wish to discuss the question, to move resolutions upon the subject.

Lord Ellenborough said, that such a course would be equally irregular on the part of any other noble lord, as on the part of the noble earl who was absent. The noble lord had stated, that the House acquiesced in the suggestion not to discuss this question. The House, however, were obliged to acquiesce; seeing that no other noble lord opposite could have made an explanation on the subject.

the Corn-laws. The House was in a very particular situation with respect to the discussion of that subject. After several sessions, during which the subject had been put off year after year, it at last seemed that no time was to be lost in putting the question at rest, and enabling the country to know at what price corn was to be grown. Resolutions had been moved elsewhere, which were to be followed by resolutions being moved in that House by a noble lord, who, by a catastrophe which no man lamented more than he did, had been prevented from so doing; but by that misfortune that House had been deprived of the only means it possessed of discussing this question, in the manner in which it could only be discussed with advantage. Because, if any bill were brought into this House, though their lord- Lord Redesdale observed, that when ships might agree to the principle of it, their lordships came to the consideration but differ with respect to the duty, yet of the Corn-laws, they must view the subthey dared not make any alteration in that ject as connected with a great many cirparticular. The noble duke (on being re-cumstances. The profits of the farmer minded by lord Holland, that the House did not admit that principle) stated, that if any alteration were made in the duties, probably the whole of the measure would be lost. He hoped, therefore, that some resolutions would be laid upon the table, in order that the House might be enabled to discuss the subject, and give their opinion upon it. With respect to the subject of wool, he thought it a most ex-corn question; and if no other noble lord traordinary consolation to state, that when would undertake the task, he should himtwo years' stock of wool was on the hands self submit a motion on the subject to of the growers, the importation was going their lordships. The resolutions printed on. This consolation was a most extra- in the votes of the House of Commons ordinary one; and went in the teeth of appeared to be of this description-that the very mover of the measure-who had they fixed a maximum on the price of stated at a public meeting, that taking off corn. Did any writer on political economy, the duty on foreign wool would not hurt or any person who had thought upon the home-grower, but that he would find subject, dream of such a plan? The exa better market for his produce. What,perience of past ages in this country proved, however, had been the result? Two years' produce remained on the hands of the growers!

The Earl of Westmorland said, he did not intend to trouble their lordships with arguments on the question before the House, but simply to reply to the noble duke as to the intention of his noble friend, whose absence he deeply regretted. His noble friend certainly had intended to submit resolutions to their lordships on the subject of the Corn-laws; but he had not, he believed, made up his mind in what way he could do it, so as to conform to the practice of the House. Their lord

had been lowered by the importation of wool, and by the depressed price of tallow, on account of importation. Importation had had the same effect on hides and skins, and cheese; and it was hardly worth the farmer's while to continue their dairies. He agreed with the noble duke, that the House ought to have an opportunity afforded it, of declaring its opinion on the

the

that to fix a maximum on any commodity was injurious to the production of that commodity. In the reign of Edward 2nd, a maximum was imposed on every thing; which law lasted about a year, when the cry of the country became so strong as to cause its repeal. If the effect of a maximum on other things was mischievous, it was still more impolitic when applied to corn; the maximum of which was now fixed at 60s. The decrease which had taken place in tallow, hides, skins, horns, and hoofs, had an effect to raise the price of meat; for the butcher could no longer consider his fifth quarter as a just remuneration.

Lord Ellenborough was also glad to hear that the noble and learned lord proposed to submit some resolutions on the subject to the House.

Lord Bexley said, that if the noble and learned lord's propositions were carried into effect, they would exclude all foreign commerce entirely.

The motion for the returns was then agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, March 22.

CONVENTION WITH PORTUGAL.] Mr. Secretary Peel, in the absence of Mr. Secretary Canning, presented, by command of his Majesty, the following CONVENTION between his Majesty and her Royal Highness the Infanta Regent of Portugal, for providing for the maintenance of a Corps of British Troops, sent to Portugal, Dec. 1826; signed at Brighthelmstone, Jan. 19, 1827.

Their lordships, perhaps, might not know | introduction of any measure on the subthat the butcher derived his profit from ject. the fifth quarter. He sold his meat at the same rate per pound at which he bought the cattle from the agriculturist, and the fifth quarter was his profit. But the butcher now, in order to get a profit, must place an additional price on his meat. Supposing, as some political economists had coolly contemplated, that one-third of the land now in cultivation were to be thrown out, what would be the consequence? Some people imagined that it would make meat cheaper; but if they examined the subject practically, they would find it would make meat dearer. In the act of Charles 2nd, he believed they would find the true system of political economy. If they did not make the trade of the farmer profitable, the country would not be cultivated; and, under these circumstances, he thought the subject required more consideration than his majesty's ministers had given it. The noble lord, after contrasting the present system of cultivation with that formerly adopted, said it was only wonderful, that corn should be sold at its present reduced price in this country, which was only because the farmer was satisfied with a less profit than the manufacturer. The noble lord, after adverting to the duties on wool, observed, that the whole system of commerce was now changed. Unlike the merchants of former days, who, habited in their velvet caps and square-toed shoes, dwelt with their clerks at the counting-house in the city, our modern merchants resided in Portland-place, or Portman-square, or in the Regent's park; and such were the multiplicity of their other engagements, that it was with difficulty they could get to their counting-house in time to sign the letters, of which they could know nothing, as they were prepared by their confidential clerk, to whom the management of the business was consigned. It was this extreme way of carrying on business that required an extreme profit beyond that which in former times sufficed.

The Earl of Malmesbury said, he was happy to hear that the learned lord intended to submit some resolutions to that House on the subject. He was perfectly ready to meet his majesty's government in any modification of the Corn-laws; but he thought it would be a great advantage that the sentiments of their lordships should be well known, previous to the

"In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.

"Her Royal Highness the Infanta Regent of Portugal having, in consequence of aggressions committed against the Portuguese territory, claimed the fulfilment, by his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, of the ancient treaties of alliance and friendship which subsist between the two Crowns; and his Britannic Majesty having thereupon resolved to send, and having actually sent, a body of troops to Portugal, the two High Contracting Parties think it necessary to agree upon certain arrangements for the maintenance of the said troops, during their stay in Portugal, and have named as their plenipotentiaries for that purpose, viz; —

"His Majesty, the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the right hon. George Canning, a member of his said Majesty's most hon. Privy Council, a member of Parliament, and his said Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs :-And her Royal Highness the Infanta Regent of Portugal, the most illustrious and most excellent lord, Don Pedro de Souza e Holstein, marquis of Palmella, a peer of the Kingdom of Portugal, Grand Cross of the Order of Christ, knight of the Order of the Golden

the credit of the British Government, as shall be judged most convenient by the two Governments.

Fleece, Grand Cross of several other Orders, and her Royal Highness's ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty; who, after having 5. "The cost of provisions and forage communicated to each other their respec- for the British troops shall be placed to tive full powers, found to be in due and the account of the Portuguese Governproper form, have agreed upon, and con-ment, from the day of the landing of the cluded, the following articles :said troops in Portugal, and shall cease to Art. 1. "Her Royal Highness the In-be placed to that account from the day of fanta Regent of Portugal, anxious that their departure, or of their passing the the body of troops which has been so frontiers of Portugal. promptly sent to her Royal Highness's aid by his Britannic Majesty, should be treated with the hospitality becoming the relations of the two allied nations, engages to provide the necessary barracks and quarters, and buildings for hospitals, and for stores and magazines, and the necessary rations of provisions and forage, for the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, and for the horses and cattle of the British Auxiliary Army, according to the regulations of the British service.

2. The provisions and forage above specified are to be delivered to the British Commissariat, at a distance not greater than six Portuguese leagues from the headquarters of each British detachment to which they are supplied, unless in cases where a different arrangement shall be made, with the consent of the British Commissariat.

3. "In order to obviate the difficulties which an immediate disbursement of funds for the purchase of the aforesaid provisions and forage might occasion, under the present circumstances, to the Government of Portugal, it is agreed that the British Commissary-general shall, for the present, provide those supplies for the British army, charging the cost thereof to the account of the Portuguese Government. As, however, cases may arise, in which it may be more convenient to receive such supplies from Portuguese magazines, for the purpose of avoiding competition in the markets, the British Commissary-general shall, in the execution of this agreement, concert his proceedings from time to time with a person appointed for that end by the Government of Portugal.

6. "Her Royal Highness the Infanta Regent of Portugal, having consented that on this, as on former occasions, the forts St. Julien and of Bugio shall be occupied by the British troops, it is agreed that the said occupation shall continue so long as the auxiliary army shall remain in Portugal. Those forts shall be, from time to time, duly provisioned by the Portuguese Government, or by the British Commissariat, on account of the Portuguese Government, in the same manner as is provided in the foregoing articles with respect to the Auxiliary Army.

"Arrangements shall be made between the Government of Portugal and the Commander of the British Army, for the carrying on of the service of the Pratique, of the Police of the Harbour, and of the Customs, by the proper officers of the Portuguese Government, usually employed for those purposes. A list of these officers shall be given to the British Commanding Officer, and they shall be strictly under his command in all that may relate to military service, and to the defence of the forts.

7. "His Britannic Majesty requiring, on the part of his ally, only that which is indispensably necessary for insuring the proper maintenance of his troops, and for the good of the common service, declares, that he will not bring forward any pecuniary claims whatever against the Portuguese Government, on account of the assistance furnished by his Majesty, on this occasion, to Portugal, beyond what is specified in the preceding articles.

8. "The stipulations of this Convention shall remain in full force until the two 4. "The accounts of the British Com-High Contracting Parties shall mutually missariat being approved and signed by agree to make any change therein. the Commander of the Auxiliary Army, 9. "The present Convention shall be shall be delivered every three months to ratified, and the ratifications shall be exthe Portuguese Government, which, hav-changed in London in the space of six ing verified the same, shall either pay the weeks from the date hereof, or sooner, if amount thereof forthwith to the British possible. Commissary-general, or carry it over to

"In witness whereof the respective

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The

GALWAY COUNTY ELECTION-BREACH❘ OF PRIVILEGE - ASSAULT OF A WITNESS.] Mr. Spring Rice rose to present a Petition on a matter affecting the vital interests of parliament, and the privileges of the House. He moved, however, first, that the usual sessional order against tampering with or influencing witnesses to be examined on matters before the House, which was in that order declared to be a high misdemeanour, should be read. order having been read, the hon. member stated, that his petition was from a Mr. Thomas Lambert, of Galway, brother to the gentleman who had presented a petition against the return of Richard Martin, esq. The petitioner stated himself to have been since the late election, in a very delicate state of health, but upon receiving the Speaker's summons, he proceeded to London, and when in the lobby of the House, was insulted and assaulted by Martin French, esq., whom the petitioner believed to be the active supporter and warm partisan of Mr. Richard Martin. The petitioner declared he had given no provocation for such an attack, and prayed the protection of the House. The hon. member said, he did not intend to move for the attendance of the person mentioned, because he hoped that this notice of it would be enough to show that the House had the power of protecting its witnesses, and would enforce that power so as to put a stop to occurrences like that now complained of, and without which witnesses might often be exposed to difficulty and danger.

nified their assent, the Speaker directed the Serjeant-at-Arms to proceed to the lobby, and make the necessary inquiry.

A pause of about five minutes occurred, at the expiration of which, the Serjeantat-Arms returned to the table, and informed the Speaker, that Mr. Lambert was in attendance, and waited the pleasure of the House.

The Speaker.-Is it the pleasure of the House that Mr. Lambert should be called in?

The House having signified their assent, the Serjeant was directed to return to the lobby, and bring Mr. Lambert to the bar of the House. In a few minutes Mr. Lambert appeared at the bar, and the following examination took place:

The Speaker.What is your name?— Thomas Lambert.

The Speaker.-Is this your name attached to this petition?—This is my name.

You will now state slowly and distinctly, for the better information of the House, and in order that your answers may be taken down in writing, the nature of the occurrence complained of in your petition?

summons

Mr. Lambert then proceeded to state, that on Tuesday last he came down to the House, in consequence of a which he received to attend the committee appointed to try the Galway election. "I had not been five minutes in the lobby," the gentleman continued, "when Mr. French came up, and said, 'How do you do, Lambert, I am glad to see you,' and asked me to shake hands with him. In consequence of the conduct pursued by Mr. French, when a trial was pending on which my life was at stake, I declined to shake hands with him, but merely made him a low bow. I forgot to state that Mr. Baggot was along with me, and also a Mr. Phipps. Mr. Butler, who is a relation of mine, and a friend of Mr. French, was also with me. As soon as I made the bow, and declined to accept Mr. French's hand, he got into a violent fit of passion; so much so, that his countenance became suddenly distorted with rage. He said, I deserve this treatment, for contaminating this hand by offering to shake hands with such a contemptible rascal.' I bowed The Speaker asked,' if it was the plea- and thanked him. Two or three gentlesure of the House that the Serjeant-at-men, who happened to be in the lobby at Arms should inquire if Mr. Lambert was the time, came over to my friend, Mr. in attendance, and the House having sig- Butler, and asked him if that gentleman

Mr. Wynn thought the matter ought not to stop here; because it became the House to maintain its dignity and show its power. When its witnesses were molested some time ago, the House had sent a man to prison for attacking a gentleman in the lobby; and he therefore moved that the petitioner, and Mr. Martin French should be ordered to attend to-morrow.

was mad? I forgot to say, that Mr. French held out his hand in a threatening manner; but whether he intended to strike or not I cannot tell. If he had struck me, however, I should not have returned the blow. The next morning I received a note from sir Richard Birnie, to attend before him. I waited on him accordingly; and after hearing the circumstances of the quarrel, he said, that if I pledged my word of honour not to proceed any further in the business, he should not require me to give bail to keep the peace. I replied, that I was perfectly willing to comply with these terms, and pledged my word of honour accordingly."

The Speaker.-Have you any thing further to add?

Mr. Lambert said, "I forgot to mention that one or two gentlemen wished me to call for a constable, to give Mr. French into custody, but I declined to do so, as I did not think it necessary."

The Speaker. Has any hon. member any question to propose to the witness?

Mr. Spring Rice.-Are you not in attendance in consequence of a summons issued by the Speaker, requiring your attendance as a witness before the committee appointed to investigate the merits of the Galway election?-Yes 1 am.

Is not Mr. French summoned as a ness also?-I believe he is.

would be fully justified in calling the offending party to the bar.

Mr. J. Grattan concurred in the opinion of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down. If any insult had passed between the parties, it appeared to have originated with the petitioner himself.

Sir J. Yorke observed, that the question did not appear to be whether Mr. French was a hundred miles off from the petitioner, or only a yard; but whether an assault was committed, or attempted to be committed, within the precincts of that House.

Mr. Abercromby agreed in the general principle, that the House had a right, in vindication of its honour and dignity, to call persons before them who were guilty of a breach of privilege; but at the same time he could not agree that the present case was one in which that power should be exerted. Another argument against the House interfering in this quarrel, was, that the civil power had already interposed between the parties. He therefore conceived, that the House would be wasting its time, and compromising its dignity, by interfering in the case.

Mr. Littleton perfectly concurred in the view which the hon. and learned gentleman had taken of the subject. Nothing had occurred tending to a breach of the wit-peace; and even if there had, the police had interfered to prevent any unpleasant consequences.

As soon as the witness had retired from the bar,

Mr. Wynn said, that the usual course pursued by the House in cases of this description was to call both the petitioner and the person petitioned against to the bar of the House,-a course which he suggested should be pursued to-morrow, when Mr. French would have an opportunity of replying to the charge contained in the petition.

Mr. Hobhouse, with all due deference to the right hon. gentleman, conceived that this was not a case in which the House was called upon to interfere. No impediment had been offered-no blow had been struck; and he must observe, that if any offence was given, it was the refusal, in the first instance, of the petitioner himself to return the common courtesy which Mr. French had offered him. He was therefore of opinion, that no case had been made out to warrant the interference of the House. If, indeed, the witness had been assaulted, and rendered incapable of giving his evidence, the House in that case

Mr. Spring Rice said, that his duty, in the first instance, was confined to presenting the petition of Mr. Lambert; but now that the case was before the House, he must be permitted to say, that it was one in which they were called upon to exercise that sound and wholesome authority, which they possessed. He contended, that the consequences would be most dangerous, if insulting words, tending to a breach of the peace, were passed over without any expression of displeasure, because no blows had been struck. There was no principle more dangerous than this; and he conceived the House was imperatively called upon to discourage such a doctrine. His chief object in presenting this petition was, that persons summoned as witnesses before committees of that House, should know that the House was ready to take up any question, involving their safety or protection. He did not wish to have the person petitioned against in this case called to the bar of the House; but he hoped that the notice of this discussion would have its proper effect,

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