those laws ought to be altered or not, was another question; but, while they continued in their present state, and remained as the guides of our foreign commerce, they must be obeyed, and ministers had not the power to change the course which they directed to be pursued.

Mr. Alderman Thompson thought, that the country was highly indebted to the right hon. gentleman for the liberal course which he had hitherto pursued. He wished to know what was the object of the present motion; for, if it was to obtain a select committee, to whom was to be referred the question of the importation duties; he should certainly oppose the appointment of any such committee, until after the question of the Corn-laws had been finally settled. Until that question was decided, he was convinced the trade of this country could only be partially affected by other measures.

Colonel Torrens protested against the principle, that British manufacturers wanted any protection. All they required was, that their energies should not be oppressed and destroyed by enormous and unnecessary duties. We could not export our agricultural produce in return for importations of foreign manufactures, since that produce was nearly 50 per cent. dearer than any other in the world. We must, therefore, either export our manufactures, or pay money for goods imported. If there was a free trade to-morrow, our manufacturers might meet all the world; and their knowledge and skill, their capital and their machinery, would give them a decided advantage. But, then, the Corn-laws destroyed these means of superiority; and, until the question of those laws was settled, the prosperity of England stood but on a foundation of sand. He should not detain the House further, as he had merely risen to enter his protest against the supposition, that, of themselves, the British manufacturers required any protection against foreign competition.

The motion was then agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Friday, December 1.

ARIGNA MINING COMPANY.] Mr. Alderman Waithman said, that in consequence of what had passed in the House last evening, he was induced to give notice, that on Tuesday next, he would submit a motion, for an inquiry into the formation.

and proceedings of the Arigna Mining Company. He was induced to bring forward the motion thus early, from the desire for a speedy inquiry expressed by an hon. member. At the same time he begged to say, that he did not intend to confine his motion to the conduct of that company; but should extend it to other Joint-stock companies with which that hon. gentleman and other members of that House were connected.

Mr. Brogden said, he felt personally obliged at the announcement of an early day for bringing forward a motion, in which his character was so deeply concerned. He felt the same confidence that he had before expressed, as to his coming out of the inquiry with an unsullied repu tation. He had seen in a report of the proceedings of the House of last evening, in which it was stated, that it was intimated to the worthy alderman by him, that he wished the subject should not be brought forward, until after the holidays. He now called upon the worthy alderman to do him the justice to say, that he had never concurred in such an understanding.

Mr. Alderman Waithman said, that in stating that there had been a wish expressed, that the subject should not be brought forward until after the holidays, he certainly did not allude to the hon. member but to a right hon. gentleman over the way. It was by no means with a view to his own convenience, that he had suggested the postponement. It was to meet the wishes of others: but, perceiving that a disposition to accommodate was sometimes productive of greater inconvenience than the adherence to an original plau, he was determined to exercise his own discretion, and bring the subject before the House on Tuesday.

CURRENCY AND THE CORN-LAWS.] On the order of the day for going into a committee of supply,

Lord Folkestone took the opportunity, seeing the President of the Board of Control in his place, of asking whether it was the intention of ministers to introduce any measure respecting the Currency, in conse. quence of what had taken place in the Committee on the Small Note Bill in the last session of the last parliament ?

Mr. Huskisson said, that he was not at that moment prepared to reply to the question of the noble lord.

Lord Folkestone said, he thought the

an end, under certain exceptions and modifications, to the circulation of small notes. That bill, however, experienced material alterations in passing through the House. It being contended, that the principles respecting paper currency applicable to England were not applicable to Scotland and Ireland, and especially to the former, a select committee was appointed to take that part of the subject into consideration. Every body must recollect, that, towards the close of the last session -a session which it was known immediately preceded the dissolution of parliament-anextreme degree of hurry prevailed in all the proceedings of parliament. The Corn question, the Currency question, and a great many other questions of importance were postponed; and the report of the committee to which he had alluded was not brought up, until within a few days of the prorogation, and, together with the evidence, was not printed until several months after the dissolution, of parliament. From that evidence, it would appear, that the real difficulties of the question had not been mooted, or canvassed, in the committee. It had been argued by various gentlemen, and especially by the right hon. gentleman opposite, that, to restore the currency to a satisfactory state would be to restore agriculture to its former easy situation. And yet the House would be surprised to hear, that, in the whole of the proceedings of the committee to which he had adverted, no inquiry was made by the right hon. gentleman, or by any other member of it, as to the effect which had been produced on the agriculture of Scotland by the substitution of a paper for a metallic circulation. With respect to that part of the inquiries of the committee which related to Ireland, it had undergone a most imperfect consideration. The conclusion of the report of the committee stated, "That in the imperfect state of the information which the committee had obtained with respect to Ireland, they were unable to come to any decisive opinion on that part of the question submitted to their investigation." Now, was it fitting that a great national question should be left in this undetermined condition? Was it fitting, when all our distresses had been over and over again attributed to the state of the currency, that the real state of that currency should be left in doubt? The committee asserted, that their information was so imperfect on the state of the Irish

currency, that they could not give an opinion; and yet this very question, on which that of the Corn-laws, and so many others of importance, were said to depend, was to be left in this uncertain state. The committee went on to say, "It will probably be deemed advisable to fix a definite, though not an early, period, at which the circulation of Ireland of all notes below 57. shall cease. And it is deserving of consideration, whether measures might not be adopted in the interim for the purpose of ensuring such a final result by gradual though cautious advances towards it." And yet, notwithstanding this uncertainty, the House was to be left in darkness, as to whether any further measures were to be introduced, and ministers were unprepared to say whether they would take any step on that important subject. He repeated that parliament and the country were most unfairly treated by ministers, by the protraction of those important subjects, and he felt it his duty thus early to enter his protest against the continuance of such delays.

Mr. Huskisson observed, that the noble lord had discovered more in the answer which he had returned to the noble lord's question, than that answer really implied. The noble lord had asked him, whether it was intended to renew the committee of last session on the Small Notes bill, or to take any steps with regard to the report which had been presented by that committee. His answer was, that he was not prepared to inform the noble lord whether or not it was intended by government to propose either the renewal of the committee, or the adoption of any proceedings founded on their report. From that answer the noble lord chose to infer prematurely that no steps whatever would actually be taken. He again stated, that his majesty's government had not had an opportunity of considering if it was necessary or not to renew the committee in question; and, therefore, he was not prepared to say whether they would do so, or whether they would take any steps on the report already presented. The noble lord expressed his surprise, that when a report had been presented in a former session, on a subject involving questions of the greatest public interest, his majesty's government ten days after the meeting of parliament on a special occasion, and at an unusual period, declined any proceeding on that subject until after the recess,

when it was impossible to pursue it to its accomplishment. The noble lord said, that he recollected parliament having been called together at the present period of the year, for the general despatch of business; and among other instances, had specified one in which it was assembled for the purpose of providing means to obviate an apprehended scarcity. But that was quite beside the present question. The present case was simply this ministers having adopted certain measures which appeared to them to be expedient, although in violation of the law, parliament had been assembled to say whether they had done right or not. A period might be very unfit for the consideration of a permanent alteration in the law, which was extremely fit for the consideration of the propriety of a temporary expedient which had grown out of an urgent occasion. He perfectly admitted to the noble lord, that the question respecting the Corn-laws must be looked at with more or less reference to the question respecting the currency. But what he maintained was, that those two questions

The noble lord, who was a great friend to the liberties of the people, and a great stickler for the constitution, could not see for what purpose parliament was assembled, if not to dispose of the currency and corn questions. It was assembled in deference to the constitution: it was assembled because his majesty's ministers had advised a breach of the law on a subject of great and peculiar importance. His majesty's ministers conceived, that having violated the laws, they were bound to call parliament together to sit in judgment on their acts, and either to indemnify them for what they had done, or put an end to the continuance of the violation. His majesty's ministers conceived that on the very same day on which they advised a violation of the constitution, they ought also to advise his Majesty to call parliament together as soon as they could conveniently be assembled. It was on that ground, and for that purpose, that parliament had been summoned to meet; and he was sure it was not surprising to the majority of the House, or to the country at large, that it was not proposed to parliament, at the present time of the year, to proceed to the permanent settlement of such great questions as those connected with the corn and the currency. It was never usual to bring on important questions such as those, within a few days of an expected adjournment. The noble lord must be aware, that from the circumstance of this being a new parliament, important questions could not, for some time, be proceeded with to any great length; and it would be extremely unfair and injurious to the country, to bring forward any important measure which could not be pursued to its termination. The noble lord said, that all this was a pretence; and that his majesty's ministers had not made up their minds with respect to the plan which they intended to propose regarding the Cornlaws; and that it was because they were not ready, that they did not come forward. He could only say, in answer, that his majesty's ministers were prepared and agreed with respect to what measures they should bring forward, with a view to the permanent settlement of the Cornlaws; but that they thought it would not be conducive to the interests of the country; they thought it would be calculated to occasion a most injurious division of feeling and conflict of opinion, if they brought forward such a subject at a time

questions of such magnitude could not be advantageously considered at the present inconvenient season; and that it was much more wise, therefore, to postpone them until the ordinary period. The noble lord had reproached him with not having in the committee on small notes directed any inquiries, to ascertain how far the comforts of the agricultural labourers in Scotland had been affected by the introduction of one-pound notes. The fact was, however, that so remote was the period at which those notes had been introduced into the Scotch circulation, that nothing could now be known of the effect which had been produced by them; and therefore that he should have been laughed at if he had put any such questions as the noble lord had suggested. He was satisfied that neither by the House nor by the country would his majesty's government be censured for not bringing forward the subjects of the currency or the Corn-laws, at this particular period.

Mr. E. D. Davenport maintained, that the first subject that ought to be considered, was the best mode of placing the currency on a more stable footing; and that with regard to the price of corn, or of any other commodity, it was useless to discuss it, while one of the principal elements of that price remained unfixed.

When he reflected on the manner in which the currency had been mismanaged during the last ten years; the fluctuations which had taken place in it; and the way in which, by such means, large classes of the people had been robbed, without knowing how they were robbed; he felt that it was the question which, before all others, ought to receive the grave consideration of parliament; and he pledged himself, after the holidays, to call the attention of the House to it, and to show that it was the fluctuations in the currency, and not the speculations of individuals, that had produced the gigantic evils with which the country had been visited during the last year.

Colonel Torrens expressed his satisfaction at the postponement of the consideration of the corn question. The appearance of things indicated the probability of a scarcity; and, if so, by the spring, the evil of protracting the existence of the present laws on the subject would be too manifest to be denied by any one. Mr. Benett objected to the postponement, and observed, that ministers were bound to state to the House the course which they intended to propose on the corn question. As long as this was unknown, the country would be kept in a state of suspense, highly injurious to all parties. No man was safe in entering into any transaction connected with the purchase or sale of land, while he was ignorant of what might be the future proceeding on that question. He therefore regretted the delay, and for the very same reasons on which the gallant colonel had founded the expression of a contrary sentiment. It was said, that every day would show more and more the impolicy of those laws. He expected that various meetings would be held in different parts of the country, some to obtain their repeal and others to obtain protection for the landed interest. At those meetings he anticipated that violent and intemperate language would be used by both parties, and more particularly by that party which sought to alter the present system. That this would be the natural effect of postponing the discussion, no man of any reflection would venture to deny. Various meetings had been held at different places; and he must particularly mention the one held in the Common-hall of London, in which the landlords had been branded with the name of monopolists, and other

absurd titles, but though they had been exposed to this species of abuse, no retaliation had been exercised by the landlords. The language used by the meeting at Manchester was scarcely less violent; and the only place which had discussed the question with temperance and moderation was Leeds, where several gentlemen had argued it with a degree of talent and information which would not have disgraced the best speakers in that House. For himself, he could only say, that however closely he might be connected with the landed interest, he had always acted upon a thorough conviction, that the interests of commerce, manufactures, and agriculture, were intimately combined.

The House then went into the committee.

CUSTOMS AND EXCISE INFORMATIONS.] Mr. D. W. Harvey said, that the two motions which he intended to bring forward that evening, were so connected with each other, that he would take the opportunity of making at once all the remarks with which he deemed it necessary to introduce them. One of the motions was only the revival of a motion, which he had himself introduced in 1820, and which he had intended to have followed up by another motion, had not his right to sit in parliament been cut away by a decision which convinced him that the conclusions drawn by election committees were not always infallible. Since the year 1820, no notice had been taken of the subject to which he had called the attention of the House, though it was one of great importance, and referred to abuses, which were deeply rooted in the system of the law as at present administered, and which operated injuriously on the individuals who were made the victims of them. There could not be found a more decided proof of the advantages arising out of the interference of parliament, than that afforded by the results of his motion. It appeared that from the year 1816 down to the year 1819, both inclusive, being a period of four years, previous to any notice being taken of the number of prosecutions instituted under the customs and excise laws, the average number of informations filed each year was 700; whilst during the year in which attention was called to the subject, and during the year immediately following, the average number did not exceed 250. From such a statement of facts, he in