of the Tower.* In anticipation of her purpose the Mass was begun in the churches in Colahay, in Fish Street, in Bread Street, in St. Margaret's Westminster: Bonner himself following the example at S. Paul's. In several parts of the country, in the universities (it will be seen anon), in some of the cathedral churches, in Christchurch Canterbury (anon it will be seen) the same was done. The altars were rebuilt, the Mass was sung.

The indignation of the maintainers of the Reformation prompted them to prosecute at the assizes some of the priests, who thus presumed on the royal countenance : and a judge who charged the jury, as he was bound to do, to find according to the existing laws, is said to have been rebuked by the Lord Chancellor because he had not rather paid regard to the Queen's intentions indicated in her proceedings. +

The reformers would have been astonished to learn that their indignation was shared by their sternest enemies that the rapid restoration of the Latin rites in England was ill pleasing in the eyes of the Roman doctors. Of these the opinion was that a schismatic realm must be reduced by public reconciliation to the obedience of the Holy See before it might enjoy the privileges of religion: the prelates and clergy of Mary

"The bishop of Winchester hath said mass in the Tower since his coming abroad." Ib.

+ 23 August "begun the mass at S. Nicholas Colabay, goodly sung in Latin, and tapers, and the altar, and a cross, in old Fish Street.—Item, the next day a goodly mass sung at S. Nicholas Wyllyms, in Latin, in Bread Street." Machyn, 42. Strype, v. 34. "Item, the 17 day of September the Bishop of London, Bonner, sang Mass in Paul's, and gave holy water himself, and so continued." Grey Friars' Chron. 34. But this, as will after be seen, was not at the high altar. The Mass was celebrated also at S. Margaret's Westminster, 21 September, at the funeral of the Baron of Dudley, with great solemnity. Machyn, 44.

I refer to the story of Judge Hales and Lord Chancellor Gardiner, which I relate below in this chapter. It may be a doubtful story, but it illustrates the strong tendency that there was to go before the law.

were censured for their precipitate zeal: it was said that they had begun to officiate the divine mysteries without considering under what disability they might lie from the canon law that they had rushed through discipline; and pressed to the altars without thought.* The person who set up the Mass again in Canterbury was roundly rebuked by a papal theologian because he had presumed forthwith to celebrate instead of abstaining for a time from his ministrations, after his compliance with the evil proceedings of the late reign. The Queen herself, if she interfered not to stay the forwardness of others, sought privately the special indulgence of the Holy See for taking part in such religious ceremonies as could not be delayed for the return of the papacy: and prayed that the Holy Father would hold guiltless those prelates of her realm who might officiate therein.

If therefore Mary appeared for the moment to neglect the dignity of the Tridentine papacy, it was not from national pride. No restoration would satisfy her without the papacy to the papacy she was secretly pledged from the first. Her subjects knew not of this. Her subjects in the beginning of her reign saw in her proceedings merely that wherewith they had been long familiar, the Tudor management of religion. To this in her they were not averse. They spoke of "the Queen's proceedings,"

* Collier (ii. 346) refers to Sanders, De Schism. Angl., as holding that the clergy officiated too hastily upon the Queen's favour; not considering what censure or liability they lay under from canons, and what objection there lay against the bishops that ordained them," &c. There seems no such passage in Sanders, and I doubt if the objection was on such definite grounds.

+ See Goldwell's extraordinary letter to Thornden, in 1554, given in Fox's account of the martyr Bland (Fox, iii. 305): Goldwell, one of Pole's familiars, Thornden, bishop of Dover and Vicedean of Christchurch, Canterbury, of whose feat below.

She asked that she might be crowned, and that Gardiner and other bishops might perform the coronation, without sin. Calendar of State Pap. Venetian, p. 429. I return to this further on in this chapter,

of "the Queen's godly proceedings," of "furthering the Queen's proceedings." * The authoritative appearance of her letters of council, her letters patent, her proclamations, seemed to carry a constitutional form. If she had aimed to restore religion to the state in which it had been left by her father, without regard had to Rome, her reign might have been successful. The mass of the people were favourable to her, and ready to go far with her in religion, whether from indifference, weariness of misrule, or the mere desire of change. Uniformity had been enforced first in one direction, then in the other, by Henry the Eighth. The son of Henry had pressed it in one direction only. If his daughter preferred an Uniformity analogous to that of the Six Articles to the Uniformity of the Forty-two,† the nation was content. If that had been the measure that she set to her own days, even though it had not been the limit of her final hopes of the realm, she might have left behind her something stable. (But unhappily behind the Tudor management lay the obligation conceived to the papacy: and this is the key of her religious policy The Holy See bade her first to reconcile her realm, to make no delay in that: and then to offer the gifts and sacrifices of righteousness. She strove to obey, as it will be seen: she gave pledges that she would obey: but she could not instantly carry the nation with her. In the meantime, if she raised the altars, and permitted or encouraged the former worship, she stumbled at the threshold, and it seemed that such devout precipitation was not acceptable in the eyes of them for whom she wrecked her glory.

Whilst these religious difficulties were gathering around her, the Queen exhibited, in regard to offences against herself, a leniency which lifted her above the age.

* Heylin.

+ I mean not that Mary revived the Six Articles, as some say.

Of the long train of the Dudleian prisoners, three noblemen only and four commoners: the Duke himself, his son Warwick, and the Earl of Northampton, Sir John Gates, Sir Henry Gates, Sir Andrew Dudley, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were selected for trial: and of them no more than three, the Duke, Sir John Gates, and Palmer, were visited with execution. Even to that moderate severity Mary was impelled only by the urgent recommendation of the Emperor, conveyed through his ambassador Renard: nor could she be induced by any means to include in the prosecution her young and beautiful rival the Lady Jane. The others were dismissed; some of them paying fines in proportion to their estates: among whom the Justices Montague and Bromley expiated with seven thousand pounds apiece a guilt that was scarcely voluntary:* and Sir John Cheke suffered the loss of a great part of his substance, on account, as it was said, of his forwardness in religion. + To these examples may be added the enterprising printer Grafton, whom we have met several times in the course of this history who was now deprived of his office of printer of state papers, and put in prison. He had printed the Proclamation of Jane as Queen: and had done it in his best style.

* Froude, v. 76.

+ Cranmer in his letter to Cecil, 14 August, lamented the indictment of Cheke, and his own powerlessness to help him. Remains, 441. Strype, in his Life of Cheke, says the fine to which he was condemned, nearly ruined him.

Mr. Lemon remarks that there is an original copy of the Proclamation in the Collection of the Society of Antiquaries, and that it is" a remarkably fine specimen of Grafton's workmanship," and that "in the imprint he styles himself the Queen's printer." Cal. Dom. p. 54. The fine specimen ended thus. "God save the Queen. Londini ex ædibus Richardi Graftoni Reginæ a typographia excusum A.D. MDLIII. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum." Pocock's Burnet, v. 362. Grafton was succeeded by Cawood: and in Cawood's patent the following sad passage occurs. "Quod quidem officium jam vacans et in nostra

The Duke was arraigned at Westminster before his peers, August 18: when, the points of law on which he with some simplicity relied being instantly overruled by the judges, he pleaded guilty to the facts, requesting the death of a nobleman, pity for his sons, a confessor, and a couple of councillors to receive his secrets of state. The same course was followed by Northampton and Warwick, who stood at his side; and by the two Gates, by Palmer, and by Sir Andrew Dudley, who on the following day were tried by jury. On the next day those who were destined for execution were had out, but respited and Northumberland received his confessor in Heath: in Heath and Gardiner he received the two councillors whom he had requested.* All took the Mass in the Tower, when their last morning came: to all was extended the honour of decapitation: the final behaviour of all was strangely characteristic. The clinging to life betrayed by so brave a soldier as North

dispositione existit, eo quod Ricardus Grafton, qui Officium illud nuper habuit et exercebat, idem Officium forisfecit per Impressionem cujusdam Proclamationis continentis in se quandam Janam, Uxorem Guildford Dudley, esse reginam Angliæ, quæ quidem Jana falsa Proditrix est, et non Regina Angliæ." Rymer, xv. 356. The enterprising Grafton however was not to be subdued by fate. He turned grocer, and sat for London city in Mary's second Parliament, 1554; and again in her last Parliament. See the Blue Book entitled Return of Members of Parliament, England and Wales, Part I. published in 1879.

* Lingard says that Parsons (in his Wardword, p. 44) relates from his own particular information that Gardiner and another of the Council visited Northumberland in the Tower: and that the Duke earnestly begged for life. Gardiner gave him little hope, but promised his services. "Returning to court he entreated the Queen to spare the prisoner, and had in a manner obtained her consent, but the opposite party in the cabinet wrote to the Emperor, who by letter persuaded Mary that it was not safe for her or the state to pardon his life." Lingard adds that from Renard's despatches it is plain that this is substantially true. On this Tytler observes that there was no time between Northumberland's trial and execution to communicate with the Emperor (ii. 226). That is true: but Renard may have been consulted; and certainly before the trial the Emperor had given advice to punish the leaders of the conspiracy.