episcopal robes and ornaments were presented by the Queen at a cost of ten thousand ducats:* and the appointment of Pole to Canterbury was not free from the suspicion or the taint of simony.†

The futile reception of the lambwool by the last English metropolitan who ever wore it may remind us

to Canterbury from the neighbourhood: all which causes the indigent people there to await his right reverend lordship with greater anxiety than ever." Pole's Secretary as before, Ven. Cal. 437. As to the sermon, there is extant an Italian translation, forty pages long, of a discourse by Pole, which has never been printed. In this he refers to a former discourse which he delivered on entering upon his archbishopric, which would be the unpremeditated effusion in Bow Church: so that this was not that effusion, but a subsequent sermon. It may have been, as I have conjectured, prepared when he thought of going to Canterbury to be installed, as he is said to have designed then to make a beginning by preaching. The late Mr. Turnbull reports of it that "the subject is mission, apostolic succession, and unity." Foreign Calendar, p. 220.

* Venetian Calendar, p. 378.

+ Soames says that Winchester being vacant, Pole under favour of the Pope's indulgence applied its revenues to his own use: and that White of Lincoln could not obtain Winchester (to which see he was translated before the end of March 1556, Ven. Cal. 393) “until he had simoniacally contracted to pay the Cardinal an annual pension of one thousand pounds, and moreover to leave him a thousand pounds by will," iv. 549. Comp. Godwin De Præsul. 238. From the passage in Parker on which this charge is founded, it appears farther that this arrangement was allowed at Rome for a pecuniary consideration. Pole's successor in Canterbury may be accepted as an authority on such a matter. He says, “His gestis, ut datam sibi a papa sese locupletandi potestatem exerceret, episcopatus Wintoniensis jam vacantis in suam arcam inferri jussit redditus: quem cum ambitiosissimus Antistes Whitus Lincolniensis Episcopus eo cupidius appeteret quod in ea diocesi natus, et collegio Wickhamiensi Wintoniæ præfectus, quondam fuisset, peropportune in istius legati tanta ad se rapiendi authoritate a papa præditi manus potestatemque devenit. Cum quo de mille libris Anglicanis, non modo reliquo vitæ suæ tempore, sed uno post mortem ejus' anno solvendis simul atque pactus esset, Wintoniensem episcopatum obtinuit. Quæ conventa quia simoniam redelebant, utrique a papa non sine remuneratione absolvendi fuerunt." De Antiq. 527. Pole's notions of grandeur might render a larger income desirable than that which sufficed Cranmer and the only cardinal that ever held Canterbury "increased his household by one hundred and eighty mouths and upward” (Ven. Cal. p. 378) as soon as he got the archbishopric: but this was not a venerable way of supplying his necessities.

that from the beginning in all Rome's dealings with England the mind of the imposer had been one thing and the mind of the accepter or permitter another. The history of the person, who massed upon himself in so short a space so many ecclesiastical characters, invites us to ponder the great fact, with which all Christian. history groans, that when the Church was accepted in a kingdom with all the powers of self-government that were necessary for her freedom and her work, the privileges that were granted became the pretext for a vast usurpation that extravagant rights and dues have been said to have lain behind the simplest transactions that took place in antiquity between the kingdom and the Apostolic See, although usually it has been in later ages than those of the transactions themselves that these claims have been arrogated, which at the time were not known or supposed, by the parties concerned, to have been involved therein. The only English writer whom the modern Roman Catholic Church or body in England has given to the world, who takes high rank among historians, has counted the four pillars on which the Roman domination in England stood, as he maintains, from the beginnings of the English Church: and when we find that they were first the establishing, extending or diminishing of archiepiscopal sees, secondly the confirmation of the election of metropolitans, in the third place the enforcement of canonical discipline, and the revision of the decisions of the national councils in the fourth, it seems indeed that the vast structure rested upon mighty bulwarks.* But these four main particulars

* It is Lingard, in his Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, Vol. I. ch. v., who had drawn out these four main branches of the alleged Roman authority, Lingard who still remains the most learned and considerable English writer on that side. He was a follower of Gibbon in style though at a distance. His aim in his work on the early English

appear less solid under scrutiny than upon the first bold exhibition and are seen to consist in great part of wide conclusions drawn from slender material: some of which material itself has been dissipated altogether by the dissolving power of modern historical criticism. The first of them, for we will step back into antiquity, survey and measure them all, is built of the following assertions that a Pope made the ecclesiastical divisions of England at the beginning, fixing the number of the metropolitans and of their suffragans: that a Pope gave to an archbishop of Canterbury the primacy of England: that the number of suffragans was limited to eleven by a Pope that by a Pope the city of York was restored to metropolitical importance: and that a Pope raised Lichfield to the same dignity for a short period till another Pope rescinded the decree of his predecessor. But the earliest of these instances was a piece of advice in a letter, which never took effect, and was issued in entire ignorance of the mutual independence of the early English heptarchic kingdoms: the next rests upon a single author of questionable authority: the next depends upon the Acts of a council the holding of which is doubtful, and the records of which are contained in a single manuscript that has not been identified a questionable papal letter, which was first produced late in the eleventh century, is the authority for the next and in the remaining instance, which Church was to prove, not that the early English Church regarded Rome honorifically and filially, which none deny, but that there was a constant intervention of papal authority, without which the English Cherch could do nothing, and that the English Church in her first age was entirely dependent on the Pope. A keen controversy was waged in the first years of this century upon these questions between Lingard, Inett, Henry, and Soames. Many of the instances of papal intervention, on which Lingard relied, may now be rejected as forgeries or pious fabrications, through the researches of later writers, and above all of Bishop Stubbs and the late Mr. Haddan, in their monumental work.

belongs to the continental policy of King Offa of Mercia, there was an advance of papal claims, which was resisted, and was unsuccessful as to the matter in hand.*

The confirmation of the election of metro

* These are all the instances that Lingard can bring. The first refers to the letter of advice which the great Gregory gave to his "brother and fellow bishop" Augustine, presenting him with a symmetrical plan of England divided into two provinces, of London and York, with twelve bishoprics in each. Bede, i. 29. The northern province, as Mr. Freeman remarks, was no doubt intended to take in all Scotland. The scheme may have been renewed by Pope Agatho fifty years later, but this is extremely doubtful. The second allegation is that Pope Vitalian gave Archbishop Theodore the primacy of England. The letter on which this rests comes from William of Malmsbury; Bishop Stubbs remarks on it, "Of questionable authority." Haddan and Stubbs, üi. 119. The third, that Agatho limited the suffragans to eleven, depends on the existence of a council of Rome of which Eddius, Bede, and William of Malmsbury knew nothing while the manuscript from which Spelman printed the Acts of this supposed council has not been identified, and is therefore of doubtful authenticity. Haddan and Stubbs, üi. 135. The next matter, that Pope Gregory the Third restored York to metropolitical dignity, is from another questionable papal letter, which was perhaps invented in the eleventh century, when it was first produced. Ib. 65. The last one, about the erection of Lichfield into a metropolitical see, was a piece of the political dealings of Offa with the Holy See at the end of the eighth century. Desiring to have an archbishop of his kingdom, that powerful monarch seems to have applied to the Pope, Adrian, who sent two legates to the Council of Chelsea, in 787, with the result that Lichfield was taken out of the province of Canterbury for about forty years. This was not done without dispute. "There was a contentious synod," says the so-called Saxon Chronicle, "and archbishop Jambryht (of Canterbury) gave up some portion of his bishopric: At that time messengers were sent from Rome by Pope Adrian to renew the faith and peace which S. Gregory had sent us by Augustine the bishop, and they were worshipfully received." Brit. Mon. 336. It is not clear that the legates had anything to do with the Lichfield business: their report says nothing of it: but that interesting document is imperfect. (See it in Wilkins, Johnson, or Stubbs.) They observe that they were the only priests sent from Rome since Augustine's days, that is, for two hundred years. The business was afterwards agitated between the succeeding Pope Leo III. and the succeeding King of Mercia in several letters. The letters of Leo are somewhat arrogant, that of King Kenulf is deferential, but he does not besitate to say that Adrian "facere cœpit quod nemo prius presumpsit." Stubbs, iii. 522. The matter ended at the Council of Clovesho, 803, where the conduct of Offa was strongly condemned.

politans is the second great branch in which the Roman sovereignty is alleged to have consisted. This was contained in the gift of the pallium. Metropolitans, when they had been elected, received from Rome the recognition of the sacred stole of lambwool, which gradually became their distinctive ornament, although, it may be observed, emperors and patriarchs had formerly sent a pallium to any bishop. Augustine (after being ordained archbishop) received a pallium from Gregory and mention of the like gift is frequently made in succeeding archbishops. But it was not before the eighth century that the pallium was regarded as more than "an honorary distinction conferred by the Roman See upon clergymen whom domestic authorities had chosen for metropolitans."* It was not before the

eleventh century that the demand was both made, and successfully resisted, that an elected metropolitan should go to Rome for his pallium: metropolitan bishops were not required to abstain from the exercise of their proper jurisdiction until they had received the pallium, before the eleventh century.† The third point, the third part of the

Soames' Latin Church during Anglo-Saxon times, p. 136. The compliment of the pallium grew in importance as time went on and seems to have been among the matters of gravity of which the great Englishman Winifred or Boniface, the apostle of Germany, endeavoured to impress upon his native country. That great champion of the papacy, who watched England from the woods wherein he nobly laboured, wrote to Cuthbert of Canterbury, among other things, concerning the prodigious value of the gift of the pallium: "Major enim nobis solicitudo ecclesiarum et cura populorum, propter pallia credita et recepta, quam ceteris episcopis, quia proprias tantum procurant parochias, incumbit." Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 377.

+ In the eleventh century, upon the vigorous representation of King Canute, the Pope reluctantly gave up the requirement of the attendance of English metropolitans at Rome. Against it the English bishops had not lost time in remonstrating when it was first made, misliking the expense to which their metropolitans were put thereby. The presents which the latter were expected to bring with them made their presence desirable at Rome.